Friday, March 13, 2009

Oxbridge universities fail to enrol ethnic minority students


The Guardian
March 12

Just five students of black Caribbean origin started at Oxford this year; at Cambridge there are eight


Students at Oxford University

Students at Oxford University. Photograph: Graham Turner

Oxford and Cambridge universities are still failing to increase significantly the number of places given to ethnic minority students, despite being given nearly £1m a year each by the government to widen access.

The latest admissions statistics show that just five out of more than 3,000 students who started at Oxford this year are black Caribbean in origin, while the equivalent figure at Cambridge is eight.

The UK's most ancient universities are under political pressure to open up access to a wider range of students and both have increased the proportion of students from state schools this year, but black Caribbeans remain a very small proportion of undergraduates at both universities.

At Oxford, applications from Indian and Chinese UK students actually fell, with a corresponding decline in the numbers gaining entry.

At Oxford, the entry for October 2008 included five black Caribbean students (the same as the previous year) among a total intake of 3,170 including overseas students. A further 10 were described as white and black Caribbean. The 65 Indian students were the largest minority among the 2,683 home students, but that was 20 fewer than in 2007.

There were 37 Chinese students, again down on the previous year, 17 Pakistani and 24 black African. There were 74 white and Asian students accepted and three Bangladeshis (up from one the year before).

With more than four students applying for every place, competition is intense and the success rate among ethnic minority UK students is nearly 29%, compared with an overall average of 23.7%, but it remains below the hit rate of independent school candidates which is 29.4%.

Cambridge is due to publish its latest admissions figures later this month and they will show a similar ethnic mix among home students. There were eight black Caribbean, 20 black African, 116 Indian, 95 Chinese, 16 Pakistani and six Bangladeshi students. There is a very similar 27% success rate among ethnic minority applicants to Cambridge.

Both universities say they cannot select ethnic minority students if they do not apply and insist they are making strenuous efforts to attract more applications.

A spokeswoman for Oxford said: "The university is committed to attracting, selecting and supporting students from any race or background."

Most outreach activities are open to students from all backgrounds but the universities also conduct schemes specifically for ethnic minorities. For example, St Anne's College works with the National Black Boys Can Association.

The number of home students from Indian families who applied for 2008 fell from 389 to 338, and the pattern was repeated for Chinese students with a decline from 206 to 186. Inevitably, fewer from these communities are now Oxford undergraduates.

Cambridge said the Group to Encourage Ethnic Minority Applications programme, which was set up in 1989 as a joint venture by students and the colleges, had succeeded in pushing up the numbers of ethnic minority students from 5.5% to 15.5% over two decades.

Oxford admissions statistics will also be scrutinised by schools and parents for clues as to which subjects will give students the best chance of success when they apply.

Classics emerges as the comparatively easy option with a success rate of 47% (55% for men), followed by geology and materials science, which are smaller courses.

Most competitive is the economics and management degree, followed by engineering, economics and management, and a law degree which includes a year of study at a European university.

Prague Declaration


The Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism was adopted more than one year ago, on the occasion of a conference held in Prague, June 2008. Among the founding signatories they are former dissidents and personalities, mainly from Poland, the Czech Republic, the Baltic States: Vaclav Havel, Vytautas Landsbergis, Jan Urban, Lukasz Kaminski or Joachim Gauck, former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi archives. By then until March 13 this year, they were gathered less than 1400 signatures of support - 1393.

This year, Europe is marking 20 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The Declaration is mentioning also that the same period elapsed since "the massacre in Tiananmen Square and the killings in Romania". In the case of China, the communist country is branded as a succesful case-study of a capitalist economy plus neglect of human rights plus aggresive international affairs presence. In Romania, what happened 20 years ago is still a matter of dispute - was it a "revolution" or a "restauration" of a softer communist elite? One of the main actors of the 1989 events, Ion Iliescu - part of the former communist elite -, is still an important politician, with a word to say in one of the most important parties of the ruling coalition - the Social-Democrat Party (PSD). The former dissidents and public intellectuals are interesting for the media only when they assume a political position and the space devoted to critical thinking is almost non-existent, since the habits of the critical thinking as such are if not publicly rejected, at least ignored and considered an unuseful luxury. Communism, in its anti-globalization version, is again in fashion in Europe and elsewhere, mainly now in times of deep economic crisis.

Will this Declaration offer a coherent and administrative reconsideration of the communist part? Will it counter the nostalgia - of those who have heard about a communism, but never cued for food, for example - with a dosis of naked truth from those who fighted the lack of freedoms with the risk of their freedom? It is too late? How to make the public intervention powerful enough or appropriate, for determining a mobilization of the free and dedicatedt-to-thinking minds and how to make you voice heard to a wider audience?

Totalitarianism is a malady of the spirit. It might manifest in the communist, racist, nazi, fascist, extreme religious behavior. It is the rejection of the other and the psychological desire to eliminate all those we are different of us. All those who went through such experiences - and survived - have the duty to always tell their story. It is the damnation of a permanent alert state-of-mind. I agree a Declaration officially submitted is binding institutions to take effective steps - as to indict those who perpetrated the killings. But, it is by far not enough. The story have to be told over and over and over again, not as a bad-time story, but by rising awareness of the huge risks of the totalitarianism. It is the degree-zero of the tolerance against the perils of indifference, lack of civic involvement, intolerance and manipulation. Such previsions are part of the official statement of any accountable public intellectual, from the former other part of the Wall and elsewhere.


Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Maledetti romeni

Umberto Eco on the recent anti-Romanian campaign in Italy.

The Polish Maria in "Maigret à l'école"


Characters featured as originating from Central and Eastern Europe are to be found in any piece of literature. This time, I met the "Polish Maria" in Maigret à l'école.

A short introduction: she is an episodic character, in a plot about (of course, because it is about Maigret) a crime - an old lady shot dead, for whom she is making the cleaning service. Her family name will be disclosed only after half of the book - Smelker. She found the body of Léonie Birard and will be investigated for a couple of time and she could be suspected as being a real recipient of the old lady inheritage (and because of this, interested to enter sooner in the possession of her goods).

We found out she came in the village of St. André at 16 - the circumstances are unknown, never married, but she is the mother of five children, all illegitimate. As presence, she is described as being very dirty, stinky. And, at a certain moment of the story, she's vanishing.


Italian migration policy draws fire



BBC
March 7


Italy has been transformed in recent decades from a nation of emigrants to a target country for mass immigration. Aidan Lewis reports on the Italian government's response to the tensions that have ensued, and the concerns raised by human rights groups and Italy's European partners.

Edward Ampadu stands with his companions in a damp, abandoned factory that is home for the winter to more than 600 African immigrants.

There is just one tap, and the men are living in shelters made from cardboard boxes, squatting while they look for work picking citrus fruit in the fields of Calabria, on the country's southern toe.

Most arrived by a dangerous route through the Sahara desert and across the Mediterranean, and most have no legal right to be in Italy.

"Everybody here is struggling," says Edward, a 42-year-old from Ghana. A poor harvest means fewer jobs to go round this year, he says, and the migrants say they need help to survive.

"We are appealing to the authorities. They know that people are here, and therefore they need to help."

These agricultural workers illustrate the challenges facing a wandering, immigrant underclass in Italy.

But while the migrants look to Rome for help, Rome looks to Europe.

Italy and other "frontline" Mediterranean countries have been offered little help as they struggle with an issue that concerns all of Europe, the government says.

Its reaction to the problem, meanwhile, has drawn sharp criticism from human rights groups and European institutions.

Amid public alarm over an immigrant influx it has sent soldiers on to the streets, fingerprinted Roma (Gypsy) communities, and encouraged rapid expulsions and repatriations.

Some observers say Italy's recent focus on border controls and security neglects integration policy, at a time when the immigrant population has grown to more than four million, almost 7% of the total.

"Italy's becoming a caricature," said Sergio Carrera, a research fellow at the Brussels-based Centre for European Policy Studies.

"It's becoming the example of a very extreme political discourse framing migration as a security issue, and justifying the implementation of very restrictive policies, having huge implications for human rights, fundamental rights, and social inclusion."


Sea patrols


Immigration is now an emotive, front-page issue in Italy, and a rallying cry for the Northern League, a partner in Silvio Berlusconi's centre-right government.

IMMIGRANTS IN NUMBERS
  • Foreign residents: 3.7 million
  • Irregular immigrants: 650,000
  • Arrivals in 2007: 346,000
  • Arrivals by sea, 2008: 36,000 Sources: Istat, Caritas-Migrantes, UNHCR

  • The focus of media attention is often Lampedusa, the tiny Italian island south of Sicily that is the arrival point for most of those - including many of the farm workers in Calabria - who complete the journey from North Africa.

    Analysts say those arriving by sea make up only a fraction of total annual arrivals, and that most irregular immigrants in Italy enter legally then overstay.

    But the government points out that the estimated 36,000 would-be immigrants landing on Italy's shores last year accounted for more than half the irregular entries to Europe by sea.

    Roberto Maroni, Italy's Northern League interior minister, said in January that 2009 would mark the "end of the landings", promising that a long-awaited pact to patrol coasts with former colony Libya would come into effect.

    To the anger of islanders and immigrants, who both staged protests, he also announced that all adults would be kept on Lampedusa while asylum requests were processed. This quickly led to severe overcrowding and the decision was reversed, but concern remains over conditions on the island, and alleged political pressure for rapid expulsions.

    Together with Greece, Malta and Cyprus, Mr Maroni also issued a new plea for the EU to "make a more effective effort" at stemming the flow of immigrants, including through its recently established border patrol agency, Frontex.

    "We believe that [border] security in the Mediterranean is directly connected to the security of the whole European Union," he said.

    Frontex ran 150 days of joint sea patrols in the central Mediterranean in 2008.

    In a separate initiative earlier last month, EU external relations commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner offered Libya 20m euros (£18m) to help boost border controls.


    Security bill


    Italy's hardline approach to immigration policy is not unique, says Hugo Brady, an expert at the Centre for European Reform in London.

    "In the main they only reflect sentiments which can be seen in a lot of other West European countries - that the time for tolerant immigration policy in their mind is past," he says.

    Even so, he said the Italians had been "marked out by their extremity".

    Among the measures that have caused concern among EU partners is the Italian government's decision to declare a state of emergency in Rome, Milan and Naples last summer, deploying troops in the streets as part of a crackdown on illegal immigration.

    Last month, an emergency decree designed to tackle rapes - many of which have been blamed on immigrants - gave official blessing to the formation of citizens' street patrols.

    A security bill awaiting final approval in the Italian parliament also contains several controversial provisions, including:

    • procedures for medical staff to denounce illegal immigrants
    • making illegal immigration a criminal offence punishable by a fine of 5,000-10,000 euros (£4,400-8,800)
    • prison terms of up to four years for those who defy expulsion orders

    Thomas Hammarberg, Commissioner for Human Rights at the Council of Europe, a pan-European body that promotes democratic principles, says he is worried about a decision to extend the deployment of troops on the streets.

    "We're talking about police functions here," he said. "It just dramatises the problems and tends to lead to hysteria."


    'European solution'


    Asked to justify the government's security-focused approach to immigration, Mr Maroni cites crime statistics for 2007.

    "The percentage of crimes linked to non-Italians was more than 35% and the non-Italians do not account for 35% of the people in Italy," he says.

    "All interpretations are legitimate. My concern as interior minister is to guarantee the highest possible levels of security, first and foremost by combating clandestine immigration."

    On some issues the government has been forced to back down, under pressure from the EU.

    These include a provision for the expulsion of EU citizens that was devised for Romanian Roma and judged to clash with European rules on free movement.

    It was withdrawn last year after the European Commission threatened to start infringement proceedings.

    Italian policies are coming under increasing scrutiny as the EU struggles against concerns over sovereignty to devise a common immigration approach, analysts say.

    In October EU states took a step towards this by signing a non-binding immigration pact that encourages readmission treaties with countries of origin, selective immigration, and an end to mass amnesties for illegal immigrants of the kind introduced in Spain and Italy.

    But for some human rights activists, the EU needs to play a firmer role protecting immigrants in member states and backing integration.

    Mr Hammarberg criticises Italy's criminalising of immigrants as the "wrong approach".

    "I think it is beginning to spread that there is a need for a European solution," he says.

    "The situation with Greece and Italy in particular calls for a much faster process of integrating the European countries' policies on migration, so that you don't have a competition downwards where people introduce fairly draconian policies in order to avoid people coming to their country."


    See also:

    Time on-line: Pope urges Romans to "welcome" immigrants

    FT - Gypsy vaccination scheme starts

    Poll finds vast majority of Hungarians openly anti-Roma


    MTI
    March 6

    Over 80 percent of people asked in a recent survey were prejudiced against the Roma, Nepszava reports, quoting pollster Median.

    Four fifths of the sample said that "Gypsies make no effort to fit into society."

    Almost 60 percent of the respondents openly said that they thought "crime was in the blood of Gypsies," and 36 percent said that the Roma should be "separated from the rest of society".

    The survey also established a correlation between citizens' political views and their attitude towards the Roma minority: the closer a respondent was to the far right, the more anti-Roma he was.

    Median also noted that it was people of modest incomes in small villages that appeared the least intolerant of their Roma neighbours.

    Hungary's Roma population is estimated at around 600,000. Only about 100,000 declared themselves to be ethnic Roma during the minority government elections in 2006, said the paper.

    The paper also pointed out that while in the 1980s 70-80 percent of Roma men were employed, only 28 percent of them had jobs in 1993 -- the situation having stagnated or even deteriorated since then.

    Sunday, March 1, 2009

    There's more to Transylvania than Dracula


    Everyone knows Transylvania as the home of the vampire count. But he wasn't the only interesting character to come from this area, says Marcus Tanner

    The Independent

    Sunday, 1 March 2009

    The medieval city of Sibiu is a good base from which to explore Saxon Transylvania

    AP

    The medieval city of Sibiu is a good base from which to explore Saxon Transylvania

    The woman from Barclays was sharp with me down the phone line to Deva, an uninviting-looking town in the middle of Transylvania. "You should have told us you were going to Romania," she tut-tutted. "It's on our black list for identity theft and fraud. That's why we blocked your card." Thanks, I thought. There I was in the middle of nowhere, having hopped off the train on the trail of a 15th-century king I was writing a book about, and I couldn't get any money from the ATM.

    I hurried on to the local castle at Hunedoara, hoping that the bank would have sorted my cash crisis by dinnertime. In the meantime I tried to forget money and lose myself in the Gothic turrets, battlements, moat and drawbridge. Hunedoara castle was once the childhood home of Matthias Hunyadi, one-time king of Hungary and a personal hero of mine, not so much for his extensive military conquests but his other activities.

    Impressed with the example of Julius Caesar, emperor and writer, Matthias had laid aside his weapons in the 1480s, when he was getting on, and concentrated on high culture, building up one of the great libraries of Renaissance Europe and filling his court with philosophers, writers, artists and singers from every part of Europe. With his puissant Italian consort Beatrice at his side, he presided over a true golden age, whose legacy was smashed to smithereens when the Ottomans invaded Hungary in the 1520s, some years after Matthias's death.

    During his own lifetime, Matthias dropped his family name of Hunyadi and styled himself Corvinus, "the Raven", and his castle in Transylvania, not far from where he was born, is full of raven motifs carved in stone.

    Ravens apart, there were not many other signs that this had been the childhood home of a great monarch. Instead, the main exhibition was a waxwork collection of famous world personalities, including a stout-looking Lady Di dressed in eau-de-nil evening gown and tiara. A crowd of Romanian tourists bustled past, shepherded by their Orthodox priest, pausing briefly to stare briefly at Di and her waxwork companion, Osama bin Laden.

    I left, a little disappointed. I'd tramped round much of Europe, looking for the remnants of the king's famous library scattered around Hungary, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Austria, and indeed England. But Transylvania was his "home turf", so to speak, and it was here I had hoped to come across more tangible relics of his life.

    But as the silence surrounding his name in the castle had showed, this wasn't going to be easy, because Transylvania is contested land. Like Kosovo, or Northern Ireland, one nation is in possession of the turf, but another questions that fact.

    In Transylvania, that "other" is the Hungarians, overlords of Transylvania until the First World War and disconsolate and unwilling citizens of Romania ever since. The Romanians pay that Hungarian resentment back in kind, resolutely ignoring the Hungarian character of Transylvania's ancient monuments – hence Lady Di's precedence over memories of Matthias in the castle.

    I pushed on to Cluj, or Koloszvar in Hungarian, one of the jewels in Transylvania's crown, the old centre dominated by a fabulous red-roofed cathedral-sized parish church in which Matthias was almost certainly baptised and near to which stands the squat white townhouse where he was born in the 1440s.

    In these shady cobbled side streets with their ivy-clad, sparrow-filled walls, one can see why one British writer in the 1920s drew vague likeness between Cluj and Oxford. But it's Oxford with a vein of ethnic tension.

    Back in the 1990s, Cluj laboured under an ultra-nationalist Romanian mayor, named Funar, whose anti-Hungarian rants and campaigns have left their mark – and not just on the town's benches, which he had painted in Romania's national colours.

    Mayor Funar also half-ruined the huge statue of Matthias in the main square, undermining the foundations with bizarre and unsightly archaeological digs aimed at unearthing various pots and shovels that would "prove" the antiquity of the Romanian presence in the area.

    I felt relieved to leave the memory-laden gothic lanes of Cluj for the open, baroque squares of Timisoara, another Hunyadi family "seat" back in the 15th century and now one of Romania's most cosmopolitan and attractive towns. Arriving at a weekend, I was struck by the continuing devotion of Romanians to their church, because in the Disney-style Orthodox cathedral it was standing room only on Sunday, the huge congregation bulked out by a fair sprinkling of youthful, good-looking back-clad nuns.

    While Romanians see Transylvania as the birthplace of their nationality, and Hungarians insist it is the fortress of theirs, making it a case of cradle vs bastion, there was once a third player on Transylvania's ethnic stage. These were the Transylvanian Saxons, once 300,000 strong but now down to a handful of Lutheran pastors and few thousand oldies, like Sam Hutter, bellringer and practically the last Saxon in his once populous village, near Sibiu.

    I had swung down to Sibiu to visit the former stamping ground of King Matthias's most infamous houseguest – Dracula. Yes, the prince of darkness not only existed but started out as a protégé of Matthias's father, Janos, who dusted down the hick young Romanian princeling and took him off to the Hungarian court in the 1450s to get spruced up.

    But after Janos died, and after the young man's boiling and impaling activities got on everyone's nerves, Matthias had Dracula placed under comfortable house arrest at his summer palace in northern Hungary at Visegrad.

    There the captive's luminous eyes and fearsome reputation (much bruited about by Matthias) attracted the attention of curious diplomats, including the papal nuncio who wrote a long description of him to Pope Pius II. The Pontiff was fascinated. "Such is the discrepancy between a man's appearance and his soul!" he wrote.

    I'd always thought "Dracula" was a name cooked up by Bram Stoker, but no; Dracula was precisely what Matthias called him, when he wrote to the Saxon burghers of southern Transylvania commending "our friend Dracula" to their tender care as he journeyed home, following his release.

    Yet it's a pity that Romania's tourist authorities play so relentlessly on the Dracula cult to the virtual exclusion of all else, for it totally overshadows the more accessible and no less interesting Saxon history of southern Transylvania.

    The Saxons may all have gone – all bar Mr Hutter, that is – but their pointy churches enclosed by high walls, built to withstand Ottoman sieges, remain, as do those villages of gingerbread houses, kept from ruin by funds sent from Saxons living in Germany.

    Sibiu, which the Saxons called Hermannstadt, and Europe's capital of culture in 2007, is a fine base from which to explore these semi-deserted gems, which now only echo to the ancient German dialect of the Saxons when they return each autumn to their annual festival.

    The Saxons never claimed Transylvania as their exclusive property. Not for them talk of cradles or bastions, for which reason the Romanians eye them with less suspicion than the Hungarians. The Romanians of Sibiu are far much more inclined to celebrate the town's Saxon heritage than their counterparts in Cluj are ready to acknowledge their city's Hungarian dimension, for example. They have even elected one of the handful of remaining Saxons in the town as mayor.

    Funnily enough, it's the visiting Germans who seem least interested in their Transylvanian kith and kin – those descendants of youngsters who suddenly left the Rhineland for the distant Carpathians far off in the 12th century, so spawning the legend of a sinister pied piper who had lured the children into the dark mountains. "They were all Nazis," a German woman working temporarily for a Roma charity told me, curtly.

    Maybe. Certainly, when old Sam Hutter took to me to his village war memorial, to point out a long roll call of Hutters who had died in the service of the upright old Emperor Franz Josef of Austria, I couldn't help notice that a fair number of local Saxons had died rather more recently, in the service of another, less reputable Austrian.

    Transylvania, land "beyond the forest", a shifting sort of place, not always as comfortable as its name might suggest. But one evening, standing in a grass meadow outside the old Saxon church where the German woman had started telling me about the Nazis, what really impressed was the mysterious beauty of the place – golden sunset, old church, dark forest.

    There are still bears and wolves in the immense forests of Transylvania though I didn't see any. But I did see a real raven, with a huge wingspan, gliding on the air currents from the churchyard where I stood across the valley below towards the dark green forest where it disappeared. And I thought of Matthias who'd chosen that dark, unknowable bird for his emblem, possibly after watching one gliding across a valley toward the forest in much the same way as I had, years ago.