Sunday, December 12, 2010
A lonely man's life
Thursday, December 9, 2010
Roma or Gypsy - the Romanians' problem
Thursday, November 18, 2010
The scandal of the day
Friday, November 5, 2010
Eastern connections
Monday, October 4, 2010
Mitläufer
Thursday, May 20, 2010
The hard past
Thursday, October 8, 2009
Herta Mueller, Nobel Prize in Literature
Wednesday, October 7, 2009
The Alternative Textbooks in Romania: Live from the Prison
Shortly: the authors - mostly young historians from Cluj - tried to present in a very systematic and synthetic way the historical moment, focusing more on the history of the present time. One important detail, when we are talking about textbooks in Romania: due to the communist legacy of propaganda, many of the texts for the school use were/and in some cases still are extremely rich in information, data, details, chronology. You don't have the opportunity to think too much by yourself, because you might learn thousand of data about reigns and historical periods. This new texbook was relatively free in this respect and, as the authors themselves explained, it was tailored to answer the preoccupation and the cultural sources of the nowadays Romanian teens.
The scandal started after, one day, the Romanian MP Sergiu Nicolaescu, film director, well known for his movies with heavy historical bias, extremely successful during communism. He took the floor and protested against the way in which the history of Romania is presented in those handbooks, the short space alloted for the moments considered, in his opinion, very important for the historical evolution, as the unification moments, the successful wars etc. At the end of his intervention, he recommended that such a textbook deserves to be publicly burned. Sounds familiar? Not too, for the Romanian MPs who listened indifferently.
From this moment on, the scandal was getting bigger and bigger. The nationalist parties united against the Ministry of Education, the government, the Hungarians, the historians - one of the historians, Sorin Mitu, whose workings haven't been discussed before this public undeserved exposure, is married with an ethnic Hungarian - the World Bank, the European Union and everything was different of speakers. Some of the young historians supported the idea of an alternative presentation of history and a couple of discussions were held, but the "anti" noise was so big, than hardly a professional point of view was heared. The Romanian Academy and a couple of historians from the History Chair of the University expressed their disagreement with creating alternative narratives of the national history and considered the textbook not meeting high standards - nobody pretended it is perfect, it was, we might remember, the first such an alternative textbook after more than 60 years - asking equaly moderation in addressing the issue in the media.
But, the media was continuing the accusations against - hardly to specifically mention who was the target, as nobody was considered clean in this "scandal". The highest point of this tensions was an inquiry made in a Romanian prison: the inmates were asked what do they think about the way in which the national history is presented in those alternative textbooks. Do they consider fair and normal such an approach? Of course, they disagreed.
Thursday, August 27, 2009
Unpleasant truth
Friday, August 14, 2009
Monday, August 10, 2009
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
A short history of the post-war archives in Romania
Saturday, June 20, 2009
Belfast
Friday, June 19, 2009
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Thursday, April 23, 2009
Dan Lungu Sînt o babă comunistă! / I'm a communist biddy!
Novel, "Ego Prose" series, Polirom, 2007, 243 pages Book presentationThe profound premise of Dan Lungu’s novel resides in an examination of the following paradox: how is it possible that many, even very many, people who formerly lived under a totalitarian, inhuman regime, without having enjoyed privileges or favours, can now be capable of nostalgia ? The author, through the intermediary of an old woman, who relates her life in the first person, attempts to deconstruct the mechanisms of nostalgia and to unravel this psychological enigma. The novel is set ten years after the fall of the Ceauşescu dictatorship and shortly before the general elections. Emilia Apostoae, a pensioner, the greater part of whose life has been lived under the “people’s regime”, receives a telephone call from Alice, her daughter, an immigrant in Canada, who urges her mother “not to vote for the former communists”. This telephone call, followed by other arguments, casts Emilia into a veritable crisis of identity, from which she tries to save herself by recollecting the past and seeking to justify her nostalgia in her own eyes and those of her daughter. We thus go back to her childhood and adolescence during the time of the dictatorship ; we enter the rhythms and problems of daily life during that epoch. The story moves at a brisk pace, the dialogue is engaging, humour shows its fangs, and mindsets are revelead by degrees. Apparently simple occurrences progressively develop their power of suggestion and range. Little by little, we are presented with a “normality” constructed by the regime and decanted in time, a normality that stirs regrets in Emilia but chills the reader. Dan Lungu does not accuse, but rather is empathetic : he describes the atrocity of an evil that has become banal, while at the same time being attentive to the dignity of his characters. His writing is rich in significant and redolent detail, but it does not even for a moment lose sight of the broader picture. The novel continues the ‘experiment in mentality’ begun by Dan Lungu in Hens’ Heaven – the descent into a communism residual not at the political or social level but at the level of an ordinary person who has lived through that system and been profoundly marked by it. I’m a Communist Biddy ! forces you to smile, to laugh uproariously, to grow sad, but above all to interrupt your reading for a few moments and go outside in order to convince yourself that reality is otherwise, that people are otherwise. However, after such an exercise, the only thing left will be for you to conclude that the author has met the old woman who is a neighbour in your block, that he has met her daughter who has emigrated to Canada, that he has met your former workmate who used to tell political jokes while at the same time informing on you to the secret police behind your back. And then he wrote this book precisely in order to hold a mirror up to us all, in which we can see ourselves as we are and as, more often than not, we should not like to be. “I’m a Communist Biddy !” is more than the tale of an old woman : it is a museum on paper of daily life in a totalitarian society, a compendium of political humour, a lesson about the incommensurability of human experiences and, why not, the unpredictable story of an abstention from the vote. Excerpt fromIt’s nine in the morning and we’re working like daft. We’re giving it our all, so that we can take it easy after the break. The doorbell, loud and hoarse, like a hooter, informs us that there’s someone at the door, a stranger. The bolt is drawn and the foreman appears, with a face like a funeral. Next to him, an elegant bloke holding a cigarette, none too jolly either. Aurelia whispers to me that it’s the new director. I heard a few months ago that they’d changed the director, but I hadn’t had a chance to see his mug until now. Shaven to the bone, with an impeccable haircut, but forbidding at first sight. I’m thinking that the foreman is in hot water or that one of us has put our foot in it, really deep, if the director has condescended to take his fancy suit for a walk among our greasy overalls. Comrade Suit puts his hands over his ears and scrunches up his eyes, and the foreman makes a sign for us to shut down the machinery. As soon as you can hear yourself think, the foreman tells us to gather around, because the comrade director general has an announcement for us. We form a circle around him. Comrade Suit stubs out his cigarette end with the toe of his 420‑lei‑a‑pair shoe, clasps his hands together, and lets rip, solemnly : Translated by Alistair Ian Blyth |
Wednesday, April 1, 2009
Changing the name, sign of the same problems
Thursday, March 19, 2009
War of words continues between Hungarian and Romanian
March 18
Hungarian President Laszlo Solyom on Wednesday rejected a charge by his Romanian counterpart Traian Basescu that he had not respected Romania's constitution.
In a television interview on Tuesday, Basescu accused Solyom of failing to respect the Romanian constitution. The Romanian president said that Hungarian officials were welcomed in his country but none of them should make any statement incompatible with the Romanian constitution.
Referring to the interview, Solyom said on Wednesday that whenever he speaks about the rights of Hungarian communities beyond the border, he always expresses endeavours that comply with the European norms and practices and are compatible with the constitutional order of the given country.
Solyom was to travel to Targu Mures, a city in western Romania's Transylvania region inhabited by many ethnic Hungarians to attend celebrations on March 15, Hungary's national holiday. The Romanian authorities, however, withdrew the landing permit of his plane so the president had to bring forward his visit by one day and travel to Transylvania by car.
Hungarian Foreign Affairs Spokesman Lajos Szelestey said earlier today that the two countries should step beyond the problems related to Solyom's recent visit.
"In view of our ties within NATO and the EU, our good neighbourly relations and the minorities living in both countries, we say now that we should look ahead, and try to find the opportunities for further cooperation," he said.
See also:
March 15 in Budapest
Radical nationalist Magyar Garda inducts 650 new members
| Budapest Times March 15 | |
| The Magyar Garda, a radical nationalist movement, inducted 650 new members at an event attended by its supporters in Budapest's Heroes' Square on Sunday afternoon. Gabor Vona, the founding chairman of the Magyar Garda and head of the Jobbik party, said the movement's members would "write a new chapter in Hungarian history". Lorant Hegedus Jr, a priest of the Reform Church, said in a speech that the government was the "darkest and dirtiest in world history" and was sending a "breed which hides under the subculture to attack the Hungarian people." Magyar Garda Captain General Robert Kiss said guard members embodied "Hungary's living conscience". Several hundred riot police stood alert in the area. Police also checked some of the supporters' IDs. The Magyar Garda was registered as an organisation to "protect the country's heritage and culture" in June 2007 with the aim to establish "the framework for national defence". The first 56 members of the movement were inducted in August 2007. In December last year, a Budapest court ruled that the organisation must be disbanded, a ruling which the Magyar Garda is in the process of appealing. Radical nationalist Jobbik party holds rally in C Budapest Over 4,000 supporters of the radical nationalist Jobbik party gathered in Budapest's downtown Deak Square on Sunday afternoon, to mark Hungary's March 15 national holiday. Krisztina Morvai, who is leading the party's list for the upcoming European Parliamentary elections, said her party would make every effort to "regain national assets illicitly given away" and added that all laws should be abolished that "granted privileges to foreigners to the detriment of Hungarians." Morvai, calling Hungary's government a "gang of robbers" also said that loans taken from the International Monetary Fund and other international banks were to be considered as repaid and Hungary would not make any further payments in debt service. After the rally, police called on a crowd of some 1,500 people, who stayed, to disperse. MTI's on-site correspondent reported that riot police were trying to force the crowd, many of whom were wearing masks, to leave. Water cannons were also deployed in the area. |
Tuesday, March 10, 2009
Maledetti romeni
Sunday, March 1, 2009
There's more to Transylvania than Dracula
Everyone knows Transylvania as the home of the vampire count. But he wasn't the only interesting character to come from this area, says Marcus Tanner
Sunday, 1 March 2009
The woman from Barclays was sharp with me down the phone line to Deva, an uninviting-looking town in the middle of Transylvania. "You should have told us you were going to Romania," she tut-tutted. "It's on our black list for identity theft and fraud. That's why we blocked your card." Thanks, I thought. There I was in the middle of nowhere, having hopped off the train on the trail of a 15th-century king I was writing a book about, and I couldn't get any money from the ATM.
I hurried on to the local castle at Hunedoara, hoping that the bank would have sorted my cash crisis by dinnertime. In the meantime I tried to forget money and lose myself in the Gothic turrets, battlements, moat and drawbridge. Hunedoara castle was once the childhood home of Matthias Hunyadi, one-time king of Hungary and a personal hero of mine, not so much for his extensive military conquests but his other activities.
Impressed with the example of Julius Caesar, emperor and writer, Matthias had laid aside his weapons in the 1480s, when he was getting on, and concentrated on high culture, building up one of the great libraries of Renaissance Europe and filling his court with philosophers, writers, artists and singers from every part of Europe. With his puissant Italian consort Beatrice at his side, he presided over a true golden age, whose legacy was smashed to smithereens when the Ottomans invaded Hungary in the 1520s, some years after Matthias's death.
During his own lifetime, Matthias dropped his family name of Hunyadi and styled himself Corvinus, "the Raven", and his castle in Transylvania, not far from where he was born, is full of raven motifs carved in stone.
Ravens apart, there were not many other signs that this had been the childhood home of a great monarch. Instead, the main exhibition was a waxwork collection of famous world personalities, including a stout-looking Lady Di dressed in eau-de-nil evening gown and tiara. A crowd of Romanian tourists bustled past, shepherded by their Orthodox priest, pausing briefly to stare briefly at Di and her waxwork companion, Osama bin Laden.
I left, a little disappointed. I'd tramped round much of Europe, looking for the remnants of the king's famous library scattered around Hungary, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Austria, and indeed England. But Transylvania was his "home turf", so to speak, and it was here I had hoped to come across more tangible relics of his life.
But as the silence surrounding his name in the castle had showed, this wasn't going to be easy, because Transylvania is contested land. Like Kosovo, or Northern Ireland, one nation is in possession of the turf, but another questions that fact.
In Transylvania, that "other" is the Hungarians, overlords of Transylvania until the First World War and disconsolate and unwilling citizens of Romania ever since. The Romanians pay that Hungarian resentment back in kind, resolutely ignoring the Hungarian character of Transylvania's ancient monuments – hence Lady Di's precedence over memories of Matthias in the castle.
I pushed on to Cluj, or Koloszvar in Hungarian, one of the jewels in Transylvania's crown, the old centre dominated by a fabulous red-roofed cathedral-sized parish church in which Matthias was almost certainly baptised and near to which stands the squat white townhouse where he was born in the 1440s.
In these shady cobbled side streets with their ivy-clad, sparrow-filled walls, one can see why one British writer in the 1920s drew vague likeness between Cluj and Oxford. But it's Oxford with a vein of ethnic tension.
Back in the 1990s, Cluj laboured under an ultra-nationalist Romanian mayor, named Funar, whose anti-Hungarian rants and campaigns have left their mark – and not just on the town's benches, which he had painted in Romania's national colours.
Mayor Funar also half-ruined the huge statue of Matthias in the main square, undermining the foundations with bizarre and unsightly archaeological digs aimed at unearthing various pots and shovels that would "prove" the antiquity of the Romanian presence in the area.
I felt relieved to leave the memory-laden gothic lanes of Cluj for the open, baroque squares of Timisoara, another Hunyadi family "seat" back in the 15th century and now one of Romania's most cosmopolitan and attractive towns. Arriving at a weekend, I was struck by the continuing devotion of Romanians to their church, because in the Disney-style Orthodox cathedral it was standing room only on Sunday, the huge congregation bulked out by a fair sprinkling of youthful, good-looking back-clad nuns.
While Romanians see Transylvania as the birthplace of their nationality, and Hungarians insist it is the fortress of theirs, making it a case of cradle vs bastion, there was once a third player on Transylvania's ethnic stage. These were the Transylvanian Saxons, once 300,000 strong but now down to a handful of Lutheran pastors and few thousand oldies, like Sam Hutter, bellringer and practically the last Saxon in his once populous village, near Sibiu.
I had swung down to Sibiu to visit the former stamping ground of King Matthias's most infamous houseguest – Dracula. Yes, the prince of darkness not only existed but started out as a protégé of Matthias's father, Janos, who dusted down the hick young Romanian princeling and took him off to the Hungarian court in the 1450s to get spruced up.
But after Janos died, and after the young man's boiling and impaling activities got on everyone's nerves, Matthias had Dracula placed under comfortable house arrest at his summer palace in northern Hungary at Visegrad.
There the captive's luminous eyes and fearsome reputation (much bruited about by Matthias) attracted the attention of curious diplomats, including the papal nuncio who wrote a long description of him to Pope Pius II. The Pontiff was fascinated. "Such is the discrepancy between a man's appearance and his soul!" he wrote.
I'd always thought "Dracula" was a name cooked up by Bram Stoker, but no; Dracula was precisely what Matthias called him, when he wrote to the Saxon burghers of southern Transylvania commending "our friend Dracula" to their tender care as he journeyed home, following his release.
Yet it's a pity that Romania's tourist authorities play so relentlessly on the Dracula cult to the virtual exclusion of all else, for it totally overshadows the more accessible and no less interesting Saxon history of southern Transylvania.
The Saxons may all have gone – all bar Mr Hutter, that is – but their pointy churches enclosed by high walls, built to withstand Ottoman sieges, remain, as do those villages of gingerbread houses, kept from ruin by funds sent from Saxons living in Germany.
Sibiu, which the Saxons called Hermannstadt, and Europe's capital of culture in 2007, is a fine base from which to explore these semi-deserted gems, which now only echo to the ancient German dialect of the Saxons when they return each autumn to their annual festival.
The Saxons never claimed Transylvania as their exclusive property. Not for them talk of cradles or bastions, for which reason the Romanians eye them with less suspicion than the Hungarians. The Romanians of Sibiu are far much more inclined to celebrate the town's Saxon heritage than their counterparts in Cluj are ready to acknowledge their city's Hungarian dimension, for example. They have even elected one of the handful of remaining Saxons in the town as mayor.
Funnily enough, it's the visiting Germans who seem least interested in their Transylvanian kith and kin – those descendants of youngsters who suddenly left the Rhineland for the distant Carpathians far off in the 12th century, so spawning the legend of a sinister pied piper who had lured the children into the dark mountains. "They were all Nazis," a German woman working temporarily for a Roma charity told me, curtly.
Maybe. Certainly, when old Sam Hutter took to me to his village war memorial, to point out a long roll call of Hutters who had died in the service of the upright old Emperor Franz Josef of Austria, I couldn't help notice that a fair number of local Saxons had died rather more recently, in the service of another, less reputable Austrian.
Transylvania, land "beyond the forest", a shifting sort of place, not always as comfortable as its name might suggest. But one evening, standing in a grass meadow outside the old Saxon church where the German woman had started telling me about the Nazis, what really impressed was the mysterious beauty of the place – golden sunset, old church, dark forest.
There are still bears and wolves in the immense forests of Transylvania though I didn't see any. But I did see a real raven, with a huge wingspan, gliding on the air currents from the churchyard where I stood across the valley below towards the dark green forest where it disappeared. And I thought of Matthias who'd chosen that dark, unknowable bird for his emblem, possibly after watching one gliding across a valley toward the forest in much the same way as I had, years ago.