Showing posts with label Romania. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Romania. Show all posts

Sunday, December 12, 2010

A lonely man's life

Since I finished my work in the area of intellectuals from Central and Eastern Europe I took a break from reading too much about the latest public discussions. But as I am preparing to start writing a serious book about this, I reentered little by little my too familiar environment.
My week-end lecture was the thematic diary of the Romanian intellectual - Adrian Marino, whose posthum memories - at his request - confirmed both from the point of view of the content and of the reception the dramatic situation of the intellectual debate.
Adrian Marino was among the few Romanians published abroad during communism, with studies and books in the area of comparative literature. Avant-la-lettre he was among the very few cases of freelancer researcher, being - after the period spent in the communist prisons - disconnected of the official layer of the culture communist bureaucrats.
With a lot of sadness, he is describing his alienation in a world hungry to win benefits and prestige - the international intellectual stage - the marginal condition of the intellectual belonging to a minor culture - predominantly focused on the production of journalism and poetry - and fighting with the hunger for acquiring a pseudo-intellectual status in the world of reversed values during communism. A situation continued in post-communism. Not the quality of work prevails but the laudatio to the VIP of the time, hence the over production of works without real value. Those political compromises are the red line of the Romanian culture, from the supporters of the right wing during the inter-war period to the communist ideologues and their post-communist re conversions.
From the point of view of the reception of this book, the debate was focused on persons and not on the situation of the Romanian intellectuals. Another missed opportunity for coming to terms with the past and for starting the discussion about the European values and reliable concepts of a different intellectual atmosphere.
Many some of his descriptions are too severe and personal, based on personal interactions and subjective reasons. What I appreciated in his book is the risk of assuming his opinions, even it was transmitted when he was no more present. In a way, probably he predicted the reactions and chose to better be the big absent of the media shows.

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Thursday, December 9, 2010

Roma or Gypsy - the Romanians' problem

The meeting between the Romanian president Tra...Image via Wikipedia/Meeting between the Romanian president (middle, left) and representatives of Roma organisations
A new round in the semantic clash from Romania regarding the Roma minority, was consumed a couple of days ago after the Government from Bucharest asked the MPs to accept changing the name of the community from Roma to Gypsy/Țigan. For the main Roma organizations, the name is having depreciative connotations. Other representatives of the community might consider it "normal". The main reason for the change - introduced in Romania at the beginning of 90s - is the possibility of a confusion between the name of the country - Romania - and the name of the community - Roma. (What about the capital city of Italy? Did anybody ask Berlusconi? Maybe not.) At the level of the authorities, the confusion was considered having negative impact on the country's image abroad, as the Roma are associated with a high level of infractionality. This linguistic make-up, dictated from up, will not change anything. At the end of the day, all are citizens of the same country, Romania. And not the name will change the image, but the behavior and the coherence in actions and the respect towards the international obligations assumed.
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Thursday, November 18, 2010

The scandal of the day

Péter Medgyessy, former Prime Minister of HungaryImage via Wikipedia/ former Hungarian prime minister Medgyessi
The first news I've read today is from my dear battle playground.

In a period when everybody is complaining about the difficult economic situation and various bidget shortages, in Hungary a new scandal is about to begin. The spark: On the occasion of their national day - 1st of December - Romanian officials applied and succeded in obtaining permission for celebrating their holiday in the National Theater in Budapest. I've read the news on the Hungarian Ambiance, a (very) conservative blog (Somebody correct me if I am wrong).

The scandal: For Hungarian all over the world, 1st of December - celebrated in Romania as the day of the creation of Big Romania - is the day when they lost Transylvania, and celebrating this moment at the National Theater in Budapest is considered at least a gesture of cynicism.
Harsh attacks are directed against the director of the Theater, Róbert Alföldi, coming from the right side of the Hungarian political stage and the requests for his dismisal are the kindiest. The permission was withdrawal meanwhile, but most probably the discussion will continue for another weeks from now.
In 2002, the then prime-minister Péter Medgyessy was accused of treason after deciding to participate to the celebration of the Romanian National Day, at Hotel Kempinski (Interesting, the Hungarian Ambiance is mispelling Medgyessy's name). Hungarian politicians in Romania refused to participate to the local ceremonies, considered as days of mourning.

I am waiting now for a reaction from the Hungarian intellectuals. To be continued.

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Friday, November 5, 2010

Eastern connections

The death of the Romanian poet Adrian Păunescu, known for his literary support for the former communist dictatorship, is reopening many questions regarding who will be in or out the "national pantheon" of the recent history of this Eastern European country and who will decide the value. In the last hours, the national media praised the value of this poet and "activist for the national cause", and politicians of all colours sent official messages of condolences. Shortly, Păunescu was one of the creators of the club, "Cenaclul Flacăra"/The Flame, using the context of the 60-70s for create emulation among the youth on the side of the party. Late 80s, he used to animate these meetings - with a program of folk shows, poetry clubs - with direct interventions on TV from stadiums across the country. Practically, the old generation of Romanian folk singers - still popular for a generation now in its 60s, but also among some younger hippies, is paying a tribute to Păunescu, as one of their promoter and financial supporter. In these shows, registered on vinyl and listened religiously during communism and thereafter, he was extensively reciting his poetry, with long praised hymns to the dictatorial family and was talking and talking. A close friend to the so-called heir of the Ceausescus, the son Nicu, he was taking part to various parties reserved for the new generation of Communist nomenclature.
His increased popularity, and some scandals he was involved - a rape accusation, an accident while driving drunk - worried the old generation of apparatchik and he slightly acquired a status of "dissident". He limited his public appearances in a review bearing the name of his club, devoting an impressive number of pages to his poetry and various nationalist-populist views, and introduced to a Romanian public opinion lacking basic sanitation and medication various "healers" and alternative medicine "experts".
In the first days after the fall of communism he attempted to found refuge to the US Embassy in Bucharest, but was held hostage for a short while by the "revolutionary" mobs. Then, in the front of the free cameras of the national TV he declared with the same emphasis used to recite his poetry: "I was a pig".
His political and public career continued smoothly in the next decades: he was several times MP and representative of the country to the Council of Europe, from the part of social-democratic party and for the nationalist-extreme party Greater Romania. He hosted several shows and was a frequent presence on private and national TV stations, with opinions regarding (national) culture, history, relations between Romanian and Hungarian minorities, (national) literature.
His sources were the protocronist and national-communist values, sharing perspectives without connections with the European present and values assumed by this country. His poetry was very rich in volume, but with a lot of versifications and improvisations.
The current Romania media lament - with some isolated critical perspectives though - is a testimony of the problematic process of changing mentalities. Death is a natural phenomenon and we don't need to become heroes for fighting against human oblivion and to project ideal past only for being able to survive a precarious present.




Monday, October 4, 2010

Mitläufer

Mitläufer - is a follower of a group, supported by his or her presence as organic part of the group. Even not agreeing with the ideas and the ways in which these ideas are put into practice, the Mitläufer is prefering to be rather "in" than "out", by reasons of personal security - keeping the job and the money, advantages for the the members of the family etc. He or her are voiceless - of their and other people's dissatisfactions.
The term was used recently by Herta Mueller, in Bucharest, in relation with the mainstream attitude of Romanian intellectuals during communism. A position I fully agree. Otherwise, how it would be explained the overall silence, and absence of the real dissent during Romanian dictatorship?

Thursday, May 20, 2010

The hard past

Even my research focused on the post-communist period - most precisely the first ten years of transition in Romania and Hungary - at the beginning of my research I focused considerably on the minority policies from the communist period. Even too much, I dare to say, and as a consequence of this situation, the first draft of my paper dedicated 45% to the editorial space to this time.

Beyond the relevance for understanding the origins of the current situation, it was as well - psychanalitically speaking - also an interest for understand a period I lived to, even shortly and whom I always regarded with a lack of any academic detachement: I simply hated what happened for more than 40 years.

Finally, I went beyond this memory blockage and was able to focus successfully on my topic.

During this intensive research, I had the occasion to read various memories written by former member of the nomenklatura who survived the transition. Some of them staying on the side of Ceausesc until the very last moment. They wanted now to share their memories, but without any critical perspective. All you got, is a never-ending lamentation, rephrased on hundred of pages about the ridiculous political transition, the former "comrades" who "betrayed" the communist values, they still believe in. Like grandparents, they, who neglected the fact that people were starving and were humiliated every minute of their life, they lecture about how they tried to change something or meditated about the values of communism while on vacation of various selected resorts strictly designed for the members of the ruling elite.

Thursday, October 8, 2009

Herta Mueller, Nobel Prize in Literature

The profile of the Romanian-born German writer Herta Mueller, winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature. Born in a family of ethnic Germans, she was both critical against the Ceausescu regime and other communist regimes in Eastern Europe, including the former East German writers who collaborated with the secret police. While she was not extensively published and discussed as an author in her home country- mostly through her positions against members of the cultural and political establishment - in Germany she is well known and appreciated and her works are translated in at least 20 languages. Probably now she will benefit of extensive laudatio and impressive articles.

Wednesday, October 7, 2009

The Alternative Textbooks in Romania: Live from the Prison

Why living - from time to time - in a former communist country could be an astonishing experience.
I will shortly give an example - in a very condensed way, because, of course, in Eastern Europe, the stories are long and a long explanatory background is more than necessary - from the long process of reform of the education in Romania. It is not selected purposely to be ridiculous or ironic. It is simply how some of the fact took place chronologically.
In 1999 - 10 years after the end of the dictatorship -, following an agreement with the World Bank, it was decided to start a reform of the school textbook, including by the creation of an alternative system of textbooks. By then, there were a list of handbook, one version for each domain, compulsory at every level of education. The alternative system was making possible to choose among a list of textbooks, agreed by a special Commission set by the Ministry of Education. One of them, designed for teaching history of Romania for high-schools, was the subject of an intense political and media campaign.
Shortly: the authors - mostly young historians from Cluj - tried to present in a very systematic and synthetic way the historical moment, focusing more on the history of the present time. One important detail, when we are talking about textbooks in Romania: due to the communist legacy of propaganda, many of the texts for the school use were/and in some cases still are extremely rich in information, data, details, chronology. You don't have the opportunity to think too much by yourself, because you might learn thousand of data about reigns and historical periods. This new texbook was relatively free in this respect and, as the authors themselves explained, it was tailored to answer the preoccupation and the cultural sources of the nowadays Romanian teens.
The scandal started after, one day, the Romanian MP Sergiu Nicolaescu, film director, well known for his movies with heavy historical bias, extremely successful during communism. He took the floor and protested against the way in which the history of Romania is presented in those handbooks, the short space alloted for the moments considered, in his opinion, very important for the historical evolution, as the unification moments, the successful wars etc. At the end of his intervention, he recommended that such a textbook deserves to be publicly burned. Sounds familiar? Not too, for the Romanian MPs who listened indifferently.
From this moment on, the scandal was getting bigger and bigger. The nationalist parties united against the Ministry of Education, the government, the Hungarians, the historians - one of the historians, Sorin Mitu, whose workings haven't been discussed before this public undeserved exposure, is married with an ethnic Hungarian - the World Bank, the European Union and everything was different of speakers. Some of the young historians supported the idea of an alternative presentation of history and a couple of discussions were held, but the "anti" noise was so big, than hardly a professional point of view was heared. The Romanian Academy and a couple of historians from the History Chair of the University expressed their disagreement with creating alternative narratives of the national history and considered the textbook not meeting high standards - nobody pretended it is perfect, it was, we might remember, the first such an alternative textbook after more than 60 years - asking equaly moderation in addressing the issue in the media.
But, the media was continuing the accusations against - hardly to specifically mention who was the target, as nobody was considered clean in this "scandal". The highest point of this tensions was an inquiry made in a Romanian prison: the inmates were asked what do they think about the way in which the national history is presented in those alternative textbooks. Do they consider fair and normal such an approach? Of course, they disagreed.

Thursday, August 27, 2009

Wednesday, August 5, 2009

A short history of the post-war archives in Romania

The administration of the national archives is part of the effort to reorganize and assert a historical identity, in the new created states from the beginning of the 20 century. In the conception of some inter-war period Romanian historians, those archives should be more than a depositary of history but most be used at maximum for the "knowledge, clarification and solving the issues of the national history", also by the creation of the specialists able to read and interpret the documents. In Romania, the communist regime, obsessively preoccupied with history, gave to the archives the role of certifying the various ideas and legitimation strategies envisioned by the ideologues of the party. What happened after was facing the culture of secrecy, without specialists able to cope with the documents and to read them from a scientific perspective, free of any kind of ideology.

Saturday, June 20, 2009

Belfast

back in focus. A BBC commentary about the last racist attacks in Northern Ireland.

Thursday, April 23, 2009

Dan Lungu Sînt o babă comunistă! / I'm a communist biddy!


Excerpt from

Critics about

Novel, "Ego Prose" series, Polirom, 2007, 243 pages

Copyright: Polirom

Translation rights sold to: Actes Sud (France), Residenz (Austria), Pre-textos (Spain), Jelenkor (Hungary), Faber Print Ltd. (Bulgaria), Czarne (Poland), Gruppo Editoriale Zonza (Italy)

Book presentation

The profound premise of Dan Lungu’s novel resides in an examination of the following paradox: how is it possible that many, even very many, people who formerly lived under a totalitarian, inhuman regime, without having enjoyed privileges or favours, can now be capable of nostalgia ? The author, through the intermediary of an old woman, who relates her life in the first person, attempts to deconstruct the mechanisms of nostalgia and to unravel this psychological enigma.

The novel is set ten years after the fall of the Ceauşescu dictatorship and shortly before the general elections. Emilia Apostoae, a pensioner, the greater part of whose life has been lived under the “people’s regime”, receives a telephone call from Alice, her daughter, an immigrant in Canada, who urges her mother “not to vote for the former communists”. This telephone call, followed by other arguments, casts Emilia into a veritable crisis of identity, from which she tries to save herself by recollecting the past and seeking to justify her nostalgia in her own eyes and those of her daughter. We thus go back to her childhood and adolescence during the time of the dictatorship ; we enter the rhythms and problems of daily life during that epoch.

The story moves at a brisk pace, the dialogue is engaging, humour shows its fangs, and mindsets are revelead by degrees. Apparently simple occurrences progressively develop their power of suggestion and range. Little by little, we are presented with a “normality” constructed by the regime and decanted in time, a normality that stirs regrets in Emilia but chills the reader. Dan Lungu does not accuse, but rather is empathetic : he describes the atrocity of an evil that has become banal, while at the same time being attentive to the dignity of his characters. His writing is rich in significant and redolent detail, but it does not even for a moment lose sight of the broader picture.

The novel continues the ‘experiment in mentality’ begun by Dan Lungu in Hens’ Heaven – the descent into a communism residual not at the political or social level but at the level of an ordinary person who has lived through that system and been profoundly marked by it. I’m a Communist Biddy ! forces you to smile, to laugh uproariously, to grow sad, but above all to interrupt your reading for a few moments and go outside in order to convince yourself that reality is otherwise, that people are otherwise. However, after such an exercise, the only thing left will be for you to conclude that the author has met the old woman who is a neighbour in your block, that he has met her daughter who has emigrated to Canada, that he has met your former workmate who used to tell political jokes while at the same time informing on you to the secret police behind your back. And then he wrote this book precisely in order to hold a mirror up to us all, in which we can see ourselves as we are and as, more often than not, we should not like to be.

I’m a Communist Biddy !” is more than the tale of an old woman : it is a museum on paper of daily life in a totalitarian society, a compendium of political humour, a lesson about the incommensurability of human experiences and, why not, the unpredictable story of an abstention from the vote.



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Excerpt from

It’s nine in the morning and we’re working like daft. We’re giving it our all, so that we can take it easy after the break. The doorbell, loud and hoarse, like a hooter, informs us that there’s someone at the door, a stranger. The bolt is drawn and the foreman appears, with a face like a funeral. Next to him, an elegant bloke holding a cigarette, none too jolly either. Aurelia whispers to me that it’s the new director. I heard a few months ago that they’d changed the director, but I hadn’t had a chance to see his mug until now. Shaven to the bone, with an impeccable haircut, but forbidding at first sight. I’m thinking that the foreman is in hot water or that one of us has put our foot in it, really deep, if the director has condescended to take his fancy suit for a walk among our greasy overalls. Comrade Suit puts his hands over his ears and scrunches up his eyes, and the foreman makes a sign for us to shut down the machinery. As soon as you can hear yourself think, the foreman tells us to gather around, because the comrade director general has an announcement for us. We form a circle around him. Comrade Suit stubs out his cigarette end with the toe of his 420‑lei‑a‑pair shoe, clasps his hands together, and lets rip, solemnly :
“Dear comrades, I have some good news for us all. Because your workshop has for many years been foremost in ‘Socialist Competition’, the comrades from the County branch of the Party have entrusted us with a lofty and privileged mission.”
We’re obviously in for it now, I tell myself. They’re probably going to increase our hours.
“A mission of which we should be proud. That of presenting and making known the fruits of our labour at the highest level possible, to comrade Nicolae Ceauşescu...”
Blah, blah, blah. We all freeze to the spot. In three days, Ceauşescu is going to visit our workshop, to stimulate production for export.
“Please start preparing for this edifying moment immediately !” the director concludes his speech.
This means military discipline, we all know it.
Gaffer Mitu has a pasteurised look about him, as he himself says. Either he’s got a hangover, or his morning dose of holy water was a bit too large.
The foreman tries to obtain a day’s delay from the director, before commencing the cleanup, because we have to finish an order for Thailand. Any delay will result in docked wages.
“Comrade, Ceauşescu is coming, don’t you understand ? Is export what matters to us now ?” the director snaps at him, lighting another cigarette.
They both go out, and we remain, pensive.

“On my life, I won’t budge until I take a photo of Ceauşescu right here next to my lathe, says gaffer Mitu, chewing his words.
“Gaffer Mitu, if Ceauşescu shakes hands with you, you won’t wash until your dying day,” gaffer Pancu goads him.
“Noooo, I want a kiss from Lena. I’m going to dress up as a pioneer and give her flowers, just so she’ll give me a peck on the cheek.”
We all laugh, but without pleasure.
The foreman comes back sharpish. He reads gaffer Mitu at a glance and sends him off to sleep for an hour. He hasn’t managed to budge the director on a delay, so we all get ready to make everywhere squeaky clean. He warns us that if we don’t make a good job of it, we’ll all be in the lurch. The director, especially given that he’s new, is also quaking in his underpants, so he’ll be keeping a close eye on us in the days to come. In three days and three nights we’ll have to sort out everything that hasn’t been repaired or cleaned for the last twenty years. If need be, we’ll work in shifts. We won’t be alone, because the entire factory will be in on the act. Our workshop has been picked out, but you never know where Ceauşescu will have a mind to poke his nose in. I’ve never seen the foreman so agitated. He’s talking and walking among us. He’s thinking out loud. He’s giving orders for today and the following days.
He changes his mind. He contradicts himself. He stutters.
He’s in a panic !
In the end, we manage to get ourselves organised somewhat. We decide to start with the whitewashing, because that makes the most mess. Then we’ll go on to painting everything that hasn’t seen a paintbrush for years, cleaning the windows, polishing the machinery, and after that we’ll see.
The scurrying begins. At first we all get under each other’s feet, but little by little we each settle down to business. Where they’ve passed by with the whitewash, Aurelia and me clean up the splashes and do the windows. Sanda couldn’t be luckier – she’s on maternity leave.
It’s afternoon already and things are progressing nicely, but we’re far from having finished. We’ve only had a quarter of an hour break. My back is aching and my hands are stinging. At first, me and Aurelia chatted about this and that, but now we’re working in silence. The only thing you can hear is the swishing of the brush and the creaking of the windows.
From the storeroom appear two women with piles of overalls and all kinds of protective gear. We receive new kit. On the day of the visit we’ll have to look like in the textbook, as the foreman says. With helmets and goggles, with gloves and leather aprons where the case.
On this occasion, the boss decrees a break. He sends someone to buy food for all the others. Plus mineral water, in spite of some murmured protests. He brings the coffee from his own office.
Each person has to sign for the new kit. For the first time ever, the people from stores have the patience to let us try the gear on. Up to now, they always used to give us it and that would be that. If it was too small or too large, you would have to pester them for a week before they would change it for you. We lay out the table for everyone, and we go off one at a time and come back with our effects under our arm. We munch without speaking, lost in our own thoughts.
Gaffer Mitu appears, with a helmet on his head, goggles, apron and bulky pigskin gloves. He walks swaying, with his arms spread out in front of him, as though he wanted to throttle somebody.
“My name is Dumitru Prunariu,” he says, “the first Romanian in space. At this solemn moment, I want to convey to you greetings from our Martian friends.”
I take advantage of the moment of relaxation to make a phone call to Tzucu and tell him I don’t know when I’ll be getting back. He’s just got in, immediately after Alice, and is warming up the dinner. I explain to him what it’s all about and he says he knows about Ceauşescu’s visit, that they have been mobilised too, and that he’ll tell me all about it at home. Today they got away quickly, but tomorrow looks set to be grim. I ask him to take Alice round to Sanda’s, for a day or two, until the storm passes. It’s not the first time the lass has stayed at her auntie’s, because they get on really well.
The street is all a bustle too. Barrels of tar are boiling, and the tipper trucks are unloading asphalt. Down the hill, the steamrollers are already at work. At last, they are laying some asphalt round here. Up to now, you had to do the slalom in the car just to avoid the potholes. By the entrance on the hill, the tall dusty pines are being washed with a hose. Next to our fence, facing the street, mounds of black earth are being carried off in buckets. The gravel and dry grass disappear, and here and there flowerbeds are being made. The watchmen are painting the large gate at the vehicles entrance.
The other sections aren’t sitting idle either. Everyone is on the move. Inside, they have already gone on to painting. In the first place, the flange that runs around the workshop, then we go on to the metal parts, the posts and all the rest. Everything in green. Although the windows are wide open, the smell is making us dizzy.
It’s ten o’clock at night and, the same as everywhere else in town, the power has been cut off.
We light a few lanterns, but you can’t see much. The foreman is in despair. He’s talking on the phone in his office. He’s roaring :
“Ceauşescu is coming, don’t you understand ? Turn the power on, otherwise it will be you who has to answer for it.”
We wait. We’re exhausted. The boss keeps making phone calls. Not even gaffer Mitu has any more appetite for jokes.
At last, the electricity comes back on and, with difficulty, we start work again. We don’t make much headway. He leaves us to it for another hour and then lets us go home. When I get back, Tzucu is asleep. I don’t wake him. I fall asleep like a log.


Here we are the next day, at the crack of dawn. Among us, two unknown persons in new overalls. The foreman makes the introductions, glumly :
“These are your new colleagues. They are called Andrei and Maria. They will be the workers’ representatives in the official delegation that will accompany the comrade President. Now they will give us a helping hand and familiarise themselves with the workplace.”
Andrei is athletic, with short hair. Judging from his jaw, I would sooner see him in shorts and boxing gloves than in overalls. Maria is very pretty, just right for handing over flowers.
The plan for today is as follows : in the morning we’ll finish painting inside and polish all the machinery until you can see you face in it, and in the afternoon we’ll move on to fixing up the exterior. I’m in the same team as Aurelia again. We start on the machinery. We remove the oil‑soaked dust from all the crannies, scrub with emery paper, and buff with felt. The boss passes it on, from one to another, for us to mind what we say in front of the new pair. There wasn’t any need to tell us. The hardest will be for gaffer Mitu, who has a bit of a loose tongue.
I peek from the corner of my eye at our new workmates. Andrei is looking at a lathe like it’s a giraffe, and it’s as though Maria is holding a hedgehog not a rag.
“It’s hard to change your trade from one day to the next,” I whisper to Aurelia.
Aurelia laughs to herself.
Comrade Suit passes by to see how the work is going and to encourage us.
At one point, Maria comes over to us. She asks us for a plaster, because she has got a blister from the emery paper. She has delicate hands, but the nails are not polished. I bring her a roll of leucoplast from the first aid kit, to cut off as much as she wants. She asks us if we usually work like this.
“Not quite at this pace, but it’s hard work,” says Aurelia prudently.
Maria stays next to us. She has begun to get used to it and is scrubbing vigorously. She tells us she has a bairn in the fourth form and that the lessons are hard, they have a whole heap of subjects. I say that it’s better that way, so that they’ll get used to hard work from an early age. After that I regret saying it. Who knows how she’ll interpret it.
We scrub in silence.
The boss calls me to one side and tells me it’s my turn to go and talk to the secret policeman responsible for the factory. He explains which office I have to go to. He tells me not to be frightened. It’s nothing serious. Everyone has to go. (…)

“Apostoae Emilia ?” the secret policeman asks me, leafing through some documents.
I nod yes. He is a man of about forty, going slightly grey, with a placid face and a bored voice. I’d expected to see a harsher figure, with a thundering voice.
“Maiden name Burac ?”
“Yes.”
“Mother and father agricultural labourers ?”
“Exactly”
“What does your husband do ?”
“Locksmith mechanic.”
“Yes… yes… But why aren’t you a member of the Party ?”
“Hmmm… I don’t know… I don’t think I have the necessary ideological level, comrade…”
“I see that you are a good element, you don’t have any deviations…”
“That’s right.”
“You have received a flat through the factory, how do you feel in it ?”
“Good.”
“Were you put forward to join the Party but refused ?”
“No.”
“But if you were put forward, would you accept ?”
“I don’t know… I think so.”
“And you say you don’t have the necessary ideological level ? How is that ?”
“I don’t know… That’s what I think…”
“What are you lacking in order to have the necessary ideological level ?”
“Perhaps I should study Party documents more… How do I know ?”
“Are you satisfied with the collective you work in ?”
“Yes.”
“And with the foreman ?”
“With him too.”
“Do you have any complaints about the workplace ?”
“Nnno.”
“Do you consider that you lack anything in particular, which the factory might help you with ?”
“I don’t know… Maybe a gas cylinder…”
“Is that all ?”
“Yes, I think so.”
“Well then, fill in a request form, which you will leave with me, and tomorrow go to the union to pick up a voucher for the gas cylinder.”

When I get back, they’re on a break. I get out my packed lunch and sit on the bench outside, next to Aurelia.
“How was it ?” she asks me.
I look at her amazed at how she knew.
“The boss told me that I have to go after the break as well.”
“Aha,” it all becomes clear to me. “He’s alright even so. He asks you what complaints you have. I told him that I’d like a gas cylinder and he told me to fill in a request form.”
“But why hasn’t he asked us up to now ?”
I nod my head in sign that it’s clear why now and not before. We eat. Finally, Aurelia gets out an orange. She tells me about how at her husband’s shop they don’t stint on unloading the goods. They get all kinds of stuff. Salami, milk, chocolate, everything. And not just them, but in almost all the neighbourhoods. Well, there’s still a queue, but only twenty or thirty people, not hordes.
Maria comes over, so we stop talking. Aurelia offers her some of the opened orange. Maria takes a segment, picks off the pith, and then eats it. I look at her with round eyes.
“I can’t stand the pith. I eat oranges like grapefruit,” she smiles.
So as not to show myself up, I don’t tell her that I’ve not yet had occasion to eat a grapefruit.

In the afternoon, we all move on to outside. We sweep, clean, dig. We’ve received black earth, roses and pieces of lawn from the town hall. We paint all the outside pipes and the mobile crane. On the main wing of the factory, another team, from another section, paints in letters as tall as a man “Long Live the Romanian Communist Party”. The porters have also received two new colleagues. The asphalting of the road has reached the factory yard.
In the evening, when the power is cut off, they let us go home.
I get back knackered. It’s too late to phone Sanda to see how Alice is. I chat with Tzucu for a little. We haven’t spoken for two days. He tells me that they were taken off to transplant maize. They go to the Party Farm, uproot the maize from an experimental plot – large and comely maize, with great big cobs – and then they plant it at the edge of the fields, two or three rows deep, along the roads which Ceauşescu will travel down to I don’t know what agricultural collective. They uproot the puny maize and load it into trailers. Even he doesn’t know what happens after that. They carry out all these operations in the blazing sun. At least they give them mineral water.
The third day is a bit lighter. We’re busy “decking out portraits”. We divide into two teams, one for inside and one for outside. I’m inside. We make a panel of honour, with photographs of the foremost workers. We’re having fun. We put Mitu’s photograph as the best of the best, the model to be followed. Then we draw up a graph of political information meetings, with dates and topics that we just make up. That is, not exactly – we copy them from a template brought by the foreman. We cut out articles from newspapers, which we tack to a piece of polystyrene wrapped in red canvas. We hang up two or three portraits of Ceauşescu. The boss brings us some twenty thick volumes of the works of Uncle Nicu, to put in his office. Because he doesn’t have a bookcase, we cart one from the Furniture Factory, on loan. He also brings forty flowerpots, for us to spread around the place, as aesthetically as possible. We have to sign for them. Whatever gets lost or broken, we’ll have to pay for.

There’s a hullabaloo outside. Someone’s shouting.
Me and Aurelia go to the door to see what it’s all about.
A scowling bloke with brown hair, wearing a suit and tie, is rolling his eyes and foaming at the mouth.
“You’re a bunch of idiots and dolts ! You’re in for it now, I promise you ! As soon as this visit is over you’ll have me to answer to ! Is this a factory for drunkards ? Is it wine we make or do we produce for export ? You’re irresponsible.”
And off he goes like a whirlwind, one of those ones that flatten everything in their path. We find out that it was the grapevines that had upset him. Gaffer Culidiuc is the most affected of all of us. He had planted them, cleaned them and trimmed them for years, and now the lads have already set about pulling them up. He can’t watch ; he goes into the workshop. The boss doesn’t say anything, because the new workmates are there, but his eyes are blazing. I’ll miss shade too, the plump black bunches of grapes… Gaffer Culidiuc makes a sign to us that the scowling bloke is barmy. We ask him who he is and he says that he is a bigwig in the County branch of the Party.
Not even an hour passes and the blonde‑haired young porter comes in guffawing. He wants to tell us something, but the foreman makes a discreet sign for him to be silent. The porter doesn’t catch on and lets rip, thirteen to the dozen. He says that that bloke just now – Comrade Whirlwind, as I’ve christened him in my mind – found fault with the pine trees by the main gate, and why are they so dusty. They explained to him that they had been washed with the hose, but that they couldn’t get them any greener than that. Then the bloke apparently began to bellow that he wasn’t interested, that, if need be, they should paint them, only that they should look like real pine trees, from the mountains. And now, perched on the Electrical Plant trucks with mobile ladders, a number of blokes are painting the pine trees with spray guns.
Only Adrian, Maria and gaffer Mitu laugh. Oh, and gaffer Culidiuc, who is in the workshop, standing behind us.
Only now does the hapless porter understand. You can see by his frightened glance.
“In the end, it’s one way of solving it,” he tries to wriggle out of it.
This time, we all laugh.
The porter can’t understand a thing.
The boss takes him by the shoulders and asks him to show him where he saw such a thing, because he doesn’t believe it. You can see from a mile away that he wants to get him out of the shit.
Today, we leave earlier, so that we’ll have time to prepare for the next day and to rest. The boss gives us our final instructions : overalls have to be ironed and starched ; the men have to be shaven and to smell of toothpaste, not of rotgut ; the woman without lipstick, makeup or nail varnish.
I get back home. Tzucu isn’t back yet. The pots are empty, and the sink is full. I get down to business. Tzuku turns up. He tells me about how some chap with a loud mouth came and hauled them over the coals : them, for not watering the planted maize, and the blokes from the Party Farm, who were getting ready a herd of thoroughbred cows to send to the agricultural collective that Ceauşescu was going to visit, for sabotaging the event. I described Whirlwind to him and he confirmed it was him. There had been a right carry‑on with the cows. In the first place, he made them remove all the black cows from the stock, because they didn’t set an optimistic tone. Then he was dissatisfied with the way they had been washed and curried. But the worst was when he battened onto their hooves, for not being glossy enough, because he knew that thoroughbred cows have to have shiny hooves. In the end, he made them lacquer the hooves, for them to look like in the textbook.
We go on chatting about this and that and then fall asleep.
The big day.
The director general and the boss make the inspection. They closely examine each of us individually, straightening a collar or two. With all this protective gear on us we look like something out of an exhibition. The atmosphere is tense. Our new colleagues haven’t turned up, probably because the official delegation has gone somewhere else. Comrade Suit goes out and we are left to ourselves. The time passes slowly. We walk to and fro, listlessly. We don’t even feel like sitting down, so as not to crease anything.
On the street, on either side, workers, pioneers and communist youth have already been deployed, with placards and flags. Their chatter can be heard as far as in the factory yard.
From time to time, gaffer Mitu walks around swaying, with arms outstretched, as he imagines a cosmonaut walks. We smile, but we don’t feel like laughing. Whatever you might say, we are excited. It’s not every day that Ceauşescu comes to our workshop. And I think that we are a little afraid too, even if no one says so. We have to make a good impression ! A very good impression !
From time to time, the foreman brings us news from Comrade Suit : Ceauşescu is in town ; Ceauşescu is in the viewing stand, the parade is about to begin ; Ceauşescu is having lunch ; Ceauşescu is heading for the agricultural collective. The tension grows. The worst thing is that we don’t have anything to do ; we just have to wait. We have to be ready at any moment.
At around five in the afternoon, a stupendous piece of news arrives : Ceauşescu has left town.
But we remain in position, in case it’s a false alarm.
At around seven, Comrade Suit appears and confirms that Ceauşescu has left town. He thanks us and tells us that maybe we will be luckier next time. He leaves in a hurry.
We’re left to ourselves and the atmosphere suddenly relaxes.
“Boss, what about those new colleagues of ours who didn’t turn up today ? What shall we do ? Clock them out ?” asks gaffer Mitu drolly.
“Bugger them !”
We all decide to go to a restaurant and celebrate our achievement.


Translated by Alistair Ian Blyth

Wednesday, April 1, 2009

Changing the name, sign of the same problems

An article recently published by TAZ (in German) about a campaign started in Romania, by a local newspaper, for changing the name designating the Roma minority to Gypsy, the reason being the vocal similitude with Romania. It is said Roma and Romania could be confused, the Romanians would be by mistake considered Roma. In Romania, Hungary, Czech Republic and in the Balkan countries, Roma is the politically correct, officially used name, because the word "Gypsy" is charged with negative, xenophobic feelings. This public pressure in Romania is dued to the recent campaign directed against Romanians leaving in Italy. One of the assumptions is the main guilt is dued to the Roma who are high-ranking among the crime perpetrators. The debate is focused on race, not on citizenship, as the Roma - and what it is called the "prejudices against the image of the country abroad" - are full rights citizens of Romania. Fortunate enough, on their identity documents is not mentioned the ethnic group to whom they belong to. So, the question of switching from Roma to Gypsy is a fake problem, tempting to avoid addressing the core of the issue: considering the individuals from the point of view of their citizens rights and obligations, and not according to their ethnic identity.

Thursday, March 19, 2009

War of words continues between Hungarian and Romanian



Hungarian President Laszlo Solyom on Wednesday rejected a charge by his Romanian counterpart Traian Basescu that he had not respected Romania's constitution.

In a television interview on Tuesday, Basescu accused Solyom of failing to respect the Romanian constitution. The Romanian president said that Hungarian officials were welcomed in his country but none of them should make any statement incompatible with the Romanian constitution.

Referring to the interview, Solyom said on Wednesday that whenever he speaks about the rights of Hungarian communities beyond the border, he always expresses endeavours that comply with the European norms and practices and are compatible with the constitutional order of the given country.

Solyom was to travel to Targu Mures, a city in western Romania's Transylvania region inhabited by many ethnic Hungarians to attend celebrations on March 15, Hungary's national holiday. The Romanian authorities, however, withdrew the landing permit of his plane so the president had to bring forward his visit by one day and travel to Transylvania by car.

Hungarian Foreign Affairs Spokesman Lajos Szelestey said earlier today that the two countries should step beyond the problems related to Solyom's recent visit.

"In view of our ties within NATO and the EU, our good neighbourly relations and the minorities living in both countries, we say now that we should look ahead, and try to find the opportunities for further cooperation," he said.


See also:

March 15 in Budapest

Radical nationalist Magyar Garda inducts 650 new members

Budapest Times
March 15

The Magyar Garda, a radical nationalist movement, inducted 650 new members at an event attended by its supporters in Budapest's Heroes' Square on Sunday afternoon.

Image

Gabor Vona, the founding chairman of the Magyar Garda and head of the Jobbik party, said the movement's members would "write a new chapter in Hungarian history".

Lorant Hegedus Jr, a priest of the Reform Church, said in a speech that the government was the "darkest and dirtiest in world history" and was sending a "breed which hides under the subculture to attack the Hungarian people."

Magyar Garda Captain General Robert Kiss said guard members embodied "Hungary's living conscience".

ImagePolice set up a double cordon around the square and around 1,500 people stood around the cordon holding Magyar Garda flags and red and white Arpad-striped flags, associated with Hungary's WWII Nazi regime.

Several hundred riot police stood alert in the area. Police also checked some of the supporters' IDs.

The Magyar Garda was registered as an organisation to "protect the country's heritage and culture" in June 2007 with the aim to establish "the framework for national defence". The first 56 members of the movement were inducted in August 2007.

In December last year, a Budapest court ruled that the organisation must be disbanded, a ruling which the Magyar Garda is in the process of appealing.

Image

Radical nationalist Jobbik party holds rally in C Budapest

Over 4,000 supporters of the radical nationalist Jobbik party gathered in Budapest's downtown Deak Square on Sunday afternoon, to mark Hungary's March 15 national holiday.

Krisztina Morvai, who is leading the party's list for the upcoming European Parliamentary elections, said her party would make every effort to "regain national assets illicitly given away" and added that all laws should be abolished that "granted privileges to foreigners to the detriment of Hungarians."

Morvai, calling Hungary's government a "gang of robbers" also said that loans taken from the International Monetary Fund and other international banks were to be considered as repaid and Hungary would not make any further payments in debt service.

After the rally, police called on a crowd of some 1,500 people, who stayed, to disperse.

MTI's on-site correspondent reported that riot police were trying to force the crowd, many of whom were wearing masks, to leave.

Water cannons were also deployed in the area.

Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Sunday, March 1, 2009

There's more to Transylvania than Dracula


Everyone knows Transylvania as the home of the vampire count. But he wasn't the only interesting character to come from this area, says Marcus Tanner

The Independent

Sunday, 1 March 2009

The medieval city of Sibiu is a good base from which to explore Saxon Transylvania

AP

The medieval city of Sibiu is a good base from which to explore Saxon Transylvania

The woman from Barclays was sharp with me down the phone line to Deva, an uninviting-looking town in the middle of Transylvania. "You should have told us you were going to Romania," she tut-tutted. "It's on our black list for identity theft and fraud. That's why we blocked your card." Thanks, I thought. There I was in the middle of nowhere, having hopped off the train on the trail of a 15th-century king I was writing a book about, and I couldn't get any money from the ATM.

I hurried on to the local castle at Hunedoara, hoping that the bank would have sorted my cash crisis by dinnertime. In the meantime I tried to forget money and lose myself in the Gothic turrets, battlements, moat and drawbridge. Hunedoara castle was once the childhood home of Matthias Hunyadi, one-time king of Hungary and a personal hero of mine, not so much for his extensive military conquests but his other activities.

Impressed with the example of Julius Caesar, emperor and writer, Matthias had laid aside his weapons in the 1480s, when he was getting on, and concentrated on high culture, building up one of the great libraries of Renaissance Europe and filling his court with philosophers, writers, artists and singers from every part of Europe. With his puissant Italian consort Beatrice at his side, he presided over a true golden age, whose legacy was smashed to smithereens when the Ottomans invaded Hungary in the 1520s, some years after Matthias's death.

During his own lifetime, Matthias dropped his family name of Hunyadi and styled himself Corvinus, "the Raven", and his castle in Transylvania, not far from where he was born, is full of raven motifs carved in stone.

Ravens apart, there were not many other signs that this had been the childhood home of a great monarch. Instead, the main exhibition was a waxwork collection of famous world personalities, including a stout-looking Lady Di dressed in eau-de-nil evening gown and tiara. A crowd of Romanian tourists bustled past, shepherded by their Orthodox priest, pausing briefly to stare briefly at Di and her waxwork companion, Osama bin Laden.

I left, a little disappointed. I'd tramped round much of Europe, looking for the remnants of the king's famous library scattered around Hungary, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Austria, and indeed England. But Transylvania was his "home turf", so to speak, and it was here I had hoped to come across more tangible relics of his life.

But as the silence surrounding his name in the castle had showed, this wasn't going to be easy, because Transylvania is contested land. Like Kosovo, or Northern Ireland, one nation is in possession of the turf, but another questions that fact.

In Transylvania, that "other" is the Hungarians, overlords of Transylvania until the First World War and disconsolate and unwilling citizens of Romania ever since. The Romanians pay that Hungarian resentment back in kind, resolutely ignoring the Hungarian character of Transylvania's ancient monuments – hence Lady Di's precedence over memories of Matthias in the castle.

I pushed on to Cluj, or Koloszvar in Hungarian, one of the jewels in Transylvania's crown, the old centre dominated by a fabulous red-roofed cathedral-sized parish church in which Matthias was almost certainly baptised and near to which stands the squat white townhouse where he was born in the 1440s.

In these shady cobbled side streets with their ivy-clad, sparrow-filled walls, one can see why one British writer in the 1920s drew vague likeness between Cluj and Oxford. But it's Oxford with a vein of ethnic tension.

Back in the 1990s, Cluj laboured under an ultra-nationalist Romanian mayor, named Funar, whose anti-Hungarian rants and campaigns have left their mark – and not just on the town's benches, which he had painted in Romania's national colours.

Mayor Funar also half-ruined the huge statue of Matthias in the main square, undermining the foundations with bizarre and unsightly archaeological digs aimed at unearthing various pots and shovels that would "prove" the antiquity of the Romanian presence in the area.

I felt relieved to leave the memory-laden gothic lanes of Cluj for the open, baroque squares of Timisoara, another Hunyadi family "seat" back in the 15th century and now one of Romania's most cosmopolitan and attractive towns. Arriving at a weekend, I was struck by the continuing devotion of Romanians to their church, because in the Disney-style Orthodox cathedral it was standing room only on Sunday, the huge congregation bulked out by a fair sprinkling of youthful, good-looking back-clad nuns.

While Romanians see Transylvania as the birthplace of their nationality, and Hungarians insist it is the fortress of theirs, making it a case of cradle vs bastion, there was once a third player on Transylvania's ethnic stage. These were the Transylvanian Saxons, once 300,000 strong but now down to a handful of Lutheran pastors and few thousand oldies, like Sam Hutter, bellringer and practically the last Saxon in his once populous village, near Sibiu.

I had swung down to Sibiu to visit the former stamping ground of King Matthias's most infamous houseguest – Dracula. Yes, the prince of darkness not only existed but started out as a protégé of Matthias's father, Janos, who dusted down the hick young Romanian princeling and took him off to the Hungarian court in the 1450s to get spruced up.

But after Janos died, and after the young man's boiling and impaling activities got on everyone's nerves, Matthias had Dracula placed under comfortable house arrest at his summer palace in northern Hungary at Visegrad.

There the captive's luminous eyes and fearsome reputation (much bruited about by Matthias) attracted the attention of curious diplomats, including the papal nuncio who wrote a long description of him to Pope Pius II. The Pontiff was fascinated. "Such is the discrepancy between a man's appearance and his soul!" he wrote.

I'd always thought "Dracula" was a name cooked up by Bram Stoker, but no; Dracula was precisely what Matthias called him, when he wrote to the Saxon burghers of southern Transylvania commending "our friend Dracula" to their tender care as he journeyed home, following his release.

Yet it's a pity that Romania's tourist authorities play so relentlessly on the Dracula cult to the virtual exclusion of all else, for it totally overshadows the more accessible and no less interesting Saxon history of southern Transylvania.

The Saxons may all have gone – all bar Mr Hutter, that is – but their pointy churches enclosed by high walls, built to withstand Ottoman sieges, remain, as do those villages of gingerbread houses, kept from ruin by funds sent from Saxons living in Germany.

Sibiu, which the Saxons called Hermannstadt, and Europe's capital of culture in 2007, is a fine base from which to explore these semi-deserted gems, which now only echo to the ancient German dialect of the Saxons when they return each autumn to their annual festival.

The Saxons never claimed Transylvania as their exclusive property. Not for them talk of cradles or bastions, for which reason the Romanians eye them with less suspicion than the Hungarians. The Romanians of Sibiu are far much more inclined to celebrate the town's Saxon heritage than their counterparts in Cluj are ready to acknowledge their city's Hungarian dimension, for example. They have even elected one of the handful of remaining Saxons in the town as mayor.

Funnily enough, it's the visiting Germans who seem least interested in their Transylvanian kith and kin – those descendants of youngsters who suddenly left the Rhineland for the distant Carpathians far off in the 12th century, so spawning the legend of a sinister pied piper who had lured the children into the dark mountains. "They were all Nazis," a German woman working temporarily for a Roma charity told me, curtly.

Maybe. Certainly, when old Sam Hutter took to me to his village war memorial, to point out a long roll call of Hutters who had died in the service of the upright old Emperor Franz Josef of Austria, I couldn't help notice that a fair number of local Saxons had died rather more recently, in the service of another, less reputable Austrian.

Transylvania, land "beyond the forest", a shifting sort of place, not always as comfortable as its name might suggest. But one evening, standing in a grass meadow outside the old Saxon church where the German woman had started telling me about the Nazis, what really impressed was the mysterious beauty of the place – golden sunset, old church, dark forest.

There are still bears and wolves in the immense forests of Transylvania though I didn't see any. But I did see a real raven, with a huge wingspan, gliding on the air currents from the churchyard where I stood across the valley below towards the dark green forest where it disappeared. And I thought of Matthias who'd chosen that dark, unknowable bird for his emblem, possibly after watching one gliding across a valley toward the forest in much the same way as I had, years ago.