Academic disabilities

The academic conferences, in my humble opinion, must represents occasions where experts and professionals from various domains are gathering together to share the results of their researches and analyse it using the tools of the critical thinking.

But, when the topics are connected to more or less recent histories, where the place of built and manipulated memories is playing the a very - if not the only - important role, these conferences are opportunities to display historical frustrations and precarious identities. The critical thinking is the last resort used for understanding and reading the realities.

The conferences with historical and political topics, addressing unsolved issues as the Balkans and the Caucasus are a good example in this direction. And I will randomly mention a couple of situations I observed in my last academic peregrinations: Hungarians claiming their right over Transylvania; Romanians claiming their predominance over Transylvania; representatives from the former Yugoslav countries fighting over who killed more and finding as well explanations and excuses for doing so; Armenians and Turks harshly fighting if it was or not an Armenian genocide; Armenians and Azeris accusing each other of aggressions. The pathetic discourses, and the passionate perspectives are killing any hope for critical appreciation. What matters is to claim that you - and only you - have and tell the truth and to deconstruct - and nullify - the point of view of the other.

What for so many hours spent in libraries and so many efforts to write presentations introduced as academic prodigies, when the basic level of the approach is not going too far of the usual information you could find in the "yellow media"?

Eastern Europe's Muppies

or how the transition in Eastern Europe is nothing but waiting. The aim of this waiting is usually called "change" but by now it is hard to understand if it is a slim common understanding of the content of this great, great word.

OSCE Kosovo Mission helps sustain Bosnian-language education

An OSCE report.

Panel Seeks Solutions To Albanian-Serb Divide In Kosovo

Over a year after independence was declared, Kosovo's Serbs and Albanians are no closer to coexistence.

Nikola Krastev
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
April 27

Three panels were brought together by the U.S.-based Association for the Studies of Nationalities to examine the challenges facing Kosovo one year after it declared independence from Serbia.

But as the debates intensified, it because clear there were no simple answers.

Panelists had sharp disagreements about the best way for Pristina to deal with its sizable Serbian majority in Kosovo's north, the majority of whom remain deeply loyal to Belgrade.

Some discussion participants suggested a federalist system of government might prove the best fit for Kosovo.

Nebojsa Vladislavjevic, a Serbian analyst who has written extensively on Kosovo, suggested a model close to the 1995 Dayton accord that divided power between Bosnia's Serbs, Croats, and Muslims might bring lasting peace to Kosovo's Serbs and Albanians.

"You need substantial territorial solutions, very radical territorial autonomy for a minority which is essentially under existential threat. And you also need some sort of overlapping sovereignties," Vladislavjevic said.

"That's why I said that the Bosnian-Dayton model is applicable to the Kosovo conflict as it stands right now, because it will provide security to the minority, self-rule, and also extensive links with Serbia. And at the same time you will have power-sharing between the Serbian and Albanian entities."

Others suggested a formal partition was a more practical solution. That would reunite northern Kosovo, where Serbs make up 90 percent of the population, with Serbia proper -- and leave the remaining territory as an undisputed, independent state that even Belgrade would willingly recognize.

But Shinasi Rama, a Kosovo expert and professor of political science at New York University, said such a partition could prove destablizing to the entire Balkan Peninsula, still grappling with the ethnic divisions resulting from the Yugoslav breakup.

While Kosovar Serbs have a natural patron in their fellow Serbs in Belgrade, Kosovar Albanians are far less reliant on their ethnic kin in Albania. A formal partition, Rama said, could hand the Serbs an unfair advantage.

"Serbs [in Kosovo] are being used by Belgrade because they are fully funded, financially supported, structurally organized," Rama said. "The Serbian elite provides leadership to them at the local level, etc. So, in a sense they see themselves as Serbs living in Kosovo."

Social Collapse

Adding to Kosovo's ethnic tensions is its rampant poverty. Unemployment hovers at a staggering 45 percent, suicide rates and criminal activity are rising, and corruption is widespread. Social services like garbage collection are largely defunct, leaving growing piles of refuse piling alongside village roads.

Hundreds of Albanians have had their electricity cut off during the past year for failing to pay their utility bills. But Kosovar authorities have been far more reluctant to cut off services to delinquent Serbian consumers, some of whom have reportedly gone years without paying for electricity.

In another notorious case, ethnic Serbs employed by Kosovo's police force failed to show up for work for over a year but continued to receive their salaries of 200 euros ($260) a month.

Such a situation, said Anna Di Lellio, a sociologist and journalist who has worked for years as a UN consultant in Kosovo, has left many Kosovar Albanians with a sense of deep distrust toward the central government in Pristina.

Anytime the majority feels the minority is enjoying special privilege, Di Lellio said, it's dangerous. "If a minority is not happy, we may solve the problem. But if the majority is not happy, it becomes dangerous for the minority," she said.

"So, actually my concern is for the Serb minority; that they not be presented as special, privileged. Nobody in Kosovo can not show up for work for a year and still receive a salary. But Serbs can do it, and these [Albanian] guys are going to think that they are privileged," Di Lellio. "But they're not. I'm not saying that."


See also:
Joe Biden started the Balkan tour

Protests in Macedonia, after religion classes stopped by the Constitional Court

In many former communist states, the inclusion of religion classes in school - mostly compulsory - was considered a top priority in terms of education. The decision was took mostly at the political level, under the pressure of the religious leaders - mostly in the Christian-Orthodox countries, following a long Byzantine tradition of "symphonic" dialogue between state and religious authorities, with advantages for both sides. The public debate lacked completely and the voices of the "civil society" are the echoes of the religious establishment. From a context to another, the risks of a high presence of religious leaders and influence in the public sphere are varying. For the Macedonian case, we should keep in mind that less than a decade, it went through a bloody ethnic conflict.

FOCUS News Agency

April 23

Skopje. Religion teachers as well as representatives of non governmental organizations from several Macedonian towns gathered Wednesday in front of building of Constitutional Court in Skopje. They protested against court’s decision on stopping religion teaching in secondary school, Utrinski vesnik informs. Teachers called the court “Defender of Stalinism and Marxism”. They asked court to stop taking politically motivated decisions.

There were “anonymous” non governmental organizations among protestors. Some of the attendants said they are from local VMRO-DPMNE committees in Center and Gazi Baba municipalities. Other said they are citizens, edition informs.

Macedonian Constitutional Court abolishes Religious Instruction in School

Makfax

April 15

The subject of religious instruction will no longer be studied in primary schools, pursuant to the ruling of the Macedonian Constitutional Court abol

The subject of religious instruction will no longer be studied in primary schools, pursuant to the ruling of the Macedonian Constitutional Court abolishing the Article 26 of the Law on Elementary Education, adopted in 2008.

The abolished article said "religious instruction can be studied in the primary schools as a subject of personal choice."

The Court said that the article in question contravened the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia.

The proposal for abolishment of the Article 26 was tabled by the Liberal-Democratic, which explained that it breached the Constitutional provision that says the Republic of Macedonia is a secular state in which the religious education can be organized on a voluntary basis outside the schools, and by no means in the framework of the compulsory elementary education.

The subject religious instruction was introduced in elementary education in 2008/09 school year. It comprised courses in two subjects of choice - Religion Teaching and History of Religions.

Far-flung adventures in Dalcratia

Children books are sometimes an interesting depositary of mentalities, not evident at the first and second, and even third sight. During the Cold War, mostly the 60s and 70s, a lot of cartoons and movies had scattered remarks about the good and the bad and the nuclear danger. Especially in the United States, the books are instrumental in educational strategies aimed to create the background of an open and tolerant attitude. The European Union started a couple of years ago a series of cartoons dedicated to a better explanation of the institution, through simple plots and dialogues between children of different countries, skin color and ethnicity. The approach is chose by national institutions, in the communications efforts for creating the sense of belonging and citizenship. We'll just mention the children page of the German Foreign Service offering to the young Germans a colorful and age-targeted travel across the main subjects of the complicate foreign affairs area and of the most important international institutions.

Children books, written by adults, with their individual cultural and intellectual profiles, could be sometimes full of geographical and cultural references, not obvious for kids but which, in an adult lecture. Identified as such, they are points of a mental map of how we see and insert in the global narrative scattered and unfamiliar - because not a constant presence in our daily public reality.

Just a couple of such hints, as found in the 2005 "Far Flung Adventures: Corby Flood", by Paul Stewart and illustrate by Chris Riddell:

- The brave girl Corby Flood is traveling with her parents on the boat Euphoria, across the Dalcratian (just replace "cr" with "m") coast "one of the most isolated and mountainous", with many "natural ports and charming towns".

- The towns across the coast are bearing names with a Greek resonance: Mesapoli (meso-half, polis - town), Doralakia "where you have the Day of the Longest Afternoon".

- The mayor from Doralakia is called Konstantin Pavel - a name which could be found, in various spellings, in Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia.

- In the illustrations, the inhabitants of Doralakia are portrayed wearing something very similar with the Greek national costumes.

The references stop short to this descriptive, ennumerative aspects. The inspiration is having thousand of sources and, in this case, the names are just intending to create the atmosphere of the "far flung" adventures.

What to do in/with the Western Balkans?

From the last The Economist, two articles on the Balkans:

- The Western Balkans, a stuck Nation - These countries are hit by the economic crisis, fighting with a culture lacking or tailored against cooperation, with unclear EU and NATO membership status. It is hardly to believe the situation will improve, before a long period of evaluation of the consequences of the last enlargements of the two organizations.

- A year in the life of Kosovo - Even everybody agrees on the extraordinary economic, social and political stability guarantees offered by the EU membership perspectives, at the practical level an infinite number of issues arouse. You need transparent and accountable systems, flexible and, most important, corruption free bureaucracies, human resources and skills and, again, a low level of corruption, in order to skilfully use the EU financial resources. As for Kosovo, it haven't been yet prooved the apocalyptic predictions - aired not for free mainly by Russia - of a permanent turmoil in the area, following the unilateral declaration of independence, one year ago. But, the level of poverty and lack of a clear future are nothing but encouraging for its fate.

Kosovo - first year of independence

Reuters
February 15

Kosovo is recognized as independent by more than 50 countries including the United States, but notably not by Serbia and its traditional ally Russia.

Here is a brief profile of Kosovo, an ethnic crossroads in the heart of the Balkans.

HISTORY

* Kosovo is about the size of Connecticut or Qatar. It was first inhabited by Illyrian and Thracian tribes, ruled by the Romans then populated by Slavs in the 6th century. It became part of the Kingdom of Serbia in the early 13th century, with a mixed population of Serbs, Albanians and Vlachs. The Nemanjic dynasty made it the spiritual heartland of Serbia, giving lands to the Orthodox Church and building monasteries that stand today.

ETHNIC MAKEUP

* Many Serbs left in the 500 years after the Ottoman Empire defeated the Serbs at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. The Albanians, converts to Islam, grew in number. Mutual expulsions and migrations to and from Albania in the early 20th century changed Kosovo's makeup. Today, 2 million Albanians form 90 percent of the population. About 120,000 Serbs remain in Kosovo, just under half in the northern enclave and the rest in enclaves protected by NATO.

YUGOSLAV YEARS

* Landlocked and poor apart from mineral deposits, Kosovo was an autonomous region of the Socialist Yugoslav Federation and had effective self-government from 1974. But ethnic tensions escalated in the 1980s as Yugoslavia began to crumble and economic conditions deteriorated. Slobodan Milosevic used Serb nationalism as a springboard to power in 1989, restricting Albanian rights in education and local government. Strikes, protests and violence led Belgrade to declare a state of emergency in 1990, sending in the Yugoslav army and police.

WAR

* Albanians have officially demanded independence since renegade elections in 1992 made pacifist leader Ibrahim Rugova president of a self-declared republic. The demand was ignored as Serbs fought for pieces of Croatia and Bosnia, and support shifted to armed struggle by the Kosovo Liberation Army, a guerrilla force. Serb forces hit back so hard in 1998 that 100,000 Albanians fled and NATO powers warned Milosevic they would not tolerate another round of "ethnic cleansing" in the Balkans. Peace talks in France failed and in March 1999 NATO started bombing to force Serbia to withdraw. About 800,000 Albanians fled or were expelled to Macedonia and Albania before Milosevic gave in 78 days later. As his forces pulled out, up to 200,000 Serbs and other ethnic minorities left as well.

LIMBO

* Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations with NATO peacekeeping since June 1999. Unemployment is 40-45 percent among the overwhelmingly young population. Kosovo's uncertain future status virtually precludes outside investment. Spasms of ethnic violence, mostly by Albanians against Serbs, together with criminal gangs trafficking in contraband and people, have tarnished its image. Almost two years of Serb-Albanian negotiations ended in failure in December 2007.

INDEPENDENCE

* Kosovo declared independence on February 17, 2008 and Europe's newest country was soon recognized by the United States and most of the European Union member states. Serbia and its ally Russia reject Kosovo's secession. Kosovo has since established a new constitution, its own army, national anthem, passports, identity cards, intelligence agency and has opened its first 18 embassies, mostly in Western countries. Kosovo expects to join the World Bank and International Monetary Fund this year, however, Serbia and Russia are trying to block its membership in all international institutions.

See also:

EU is asking for reforms

Facts about Kosovo's Serb minority
Reuters

One year after Kosovo's Albanian majority declared independence ethnic tensions remain high and minority Serbs are not integrated into state institutions.

Here are some facts about Kosovo's Serbs:

* Up to 200,000 Serbs and other ethnic minorities left Kosovo after NATO bombing in 1999 to live in Serbia.

* About 120,000 Serbs live in Kosovo making up more than 5 percent of the total population. More than 50,000 live in the northern part of Kosovo which is linked to Serbia by road.

* The remaining 70,000 live south of the river Ibar in NATO-protected enclaves within ethnic Albanian territory.

* Serbia cherishes Kosovo as the cradle of its Orthodox Christianity, where some of its most treasured churches and monasteries dot the landscape.

* Some 3 percent of the Serbian population in Kosovo work in the public sector and are paid by Belgrade. Most of them get salaries from the Kosovo budget as well. Doctors, teachers and judges in Kosovo earn more than their colleagues in Serbia.

* Kosovo Serbs refuse to recognise Pristina institutions and travel to Serbia to get documents such as birth certificates, drivers' licences, passports and identity cards.

Kosovo's international status
Reuters

One year after its Albanian majority proclaimed independence, Kosovo is still looking for wider international recognition and membership in international financial institutions.

Here are some facts about Kosovo's international status:

* Kosovo's Albanian majority declared independence on February 17, 2008 -- nine years after NATO bombed Serb forces to halt ethnic cleansing.

* So far more than 50 countries including the United States and 22 European Union member states have recognised Kosovo.

* Serbia and its ally Russia, which do not recognise Kosovo, are blocking its membership of the United Nations.

* Kosovo has applied for membership of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and is expected to become a member of both institutions this year.

* Since its declaration of independence, Kosovo has adopted a new constitution, national anthem and flag. It has established 18 embassies and nine consular missions.

* Kosovo issued its first passports on July 30, 2008. Holders of Kosovo passports can travel to only a few of the countries that have not recognised Kosovo's independence.

* In January Kosovo launched its army, known as the Kosovo Security Force, which will have 2,500 personnel with 500 reservists.

Main challenges for Kosovo economy

A look at the main economic challenges it faces:

UNEMPLOYMENT

About half of the workforce is formally employed, with the rest either long-term unemployed or working unofficially. About 30,000 young people enter the job market every year, five times the number Kosovo businesses can absorb. The government wants to ensure formalised access to the EU labour market by setting up labour-exchange programmes in specific sectors.

POVERTY

About 45 percent of the population subsists below the poverty line of 1.5 euros a day. Wages average around 220 euros ($320) a month, and most households receive remittances from relatives abroad.

INFRASTRUCTURE

Kosovo's road and rail network was neglected in Yugoslav times, fell into a state of disrepair during the 1990s, and was partly destroyed in the 1998-99 conflict. The repair of major roads around the capital Pristina has been marred by low-quality planning and materials. The government plans international tenders for highway concessions.

Utilities, especially water and power, are unreliable although much improved since the previous decade. A major planned project, the third thermal power plant called New Kosovo, aims to draw on the territory's lignite deposits to turn Kosovo into a power exporter by 2015. A reliable water supply will require the political agreement of the Serb minority, which dominates the area around the main reservoir in north Kosovo.

EDUCATION

Serbia's decision to strip the province, with a 90 percent Albanian majority, of its autonomy in the late 1980s resulted in the creation of ad-hoc Albanian parallel systems of administration and education. The low quality of the informal schooling -- mostly in small groups, in private homes -- was exacerbated by the mushrooming of dubious private colleges after the United Nations took over in 1999, translating into poor skills even among university graduates.

Foreign language learning is a bright spot, with most young people being competent in one or two European languages due to the diaspora influence and the international presence.

CORRUPTION

A wartime legacy of racketeering combined with the Albanian tradition of strong family networks has created an opaque system of personal connections that permeates everything from simple administrative services to the allocation of tenders and scholarships. EU-standard laws were imported almost unchanged, but implementation is patchy. Media reports on corruption in the U.N. mission failed to lead to prosecutions due to immunity afforded to international officials, a fact adding to Albanian disenchantment with the system.

BUSINESS CLIMATE

The main drags on investor confidence and competitiveness are a weak legal system, high interest rates -- round 13 percent -- and the tax system, which frontloads start-up costs through customs duties on capital goods. Access to international financial institutions should help establish cheaper credit lines, and the government plans to shift the focus of tax collection to favour small and medium enterprise development.

To attract foreign investors, Kosovo's government set a corporate tax at 10 percent.

OTHER ISSUES

The unilateral adoption of the euro as the successor to the German mark imposed financial discipline and secured a low inflation environment, but left fiscal policy as the main tool of economic policy. Budget stability is seen as crucial as the government takes on responsibilities, and the associated costs, from its international overseers.

Prospects of normality in Kosovo

Project on Ethnic Relations - International Roundtable on Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians of Kosovo. Challenges and Prospects of Sustainable Integration, the Report of October 22, 2008, Wien meeting

Dealing with the Past in the Balkans

A case study of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia, a study by Ivana Franovic, published by the Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, in october 2008.

Political Parties and Minority Participation

A 2008 study published by the Skopje Office of the German Foundation Friedrich Ebert.

Pulp Fiction - The "Macedonians" in Victoria

Australian Macedonian Advisory Council

January 22
The American Chronicle

The 'book´ "The Macedonians in Victoria" published in October 2007 by our very own Victorian Multicultural Commission, provides an example of the quandary a ´multicultural´ organization can find itself in, when caused to ´adjudicate´ not only between two opposing forms of nationalism among ethnic minorities but when members of those minorities, in this case, those purporting to be ´Macedonians´ appear to abuse the goodwill and benign interest of the authorities in promoting ethnic harmony, by misapplying their resources towards indulging in polemics that may cause inter-ethnic strife.

While it is trite that two opposing views exist within the broader community as to the ´Macedonian identity´, it is of concern that the authors of the book seem to have placed the unwitting Victorian Multicultural Commission in a position where it could be seen as unilaterally having ´taken sides´ upon the Macedonian issue, something that is not the case. This is particularly unfortunate, given that the publication appears to be full of inflammatory comments and unsubstantiated statements whose aim appears to be to discredit the Greek State, Greek-Australians and especially those of Macedonian background. We can only be assuaged by remarks made by responsible persons within the Commission that they were unaware of the inclusion of such comments in the book and certainly do not endorse them.

In particular the following is to be noted:

a) Authorship

One of the co-authors of the book, Robert Najdovski, is eighteen years old. While it is unclear to what extent, if any, he is responsible for any of the research or text in the book, the sponsorship of a supposed "scholarly" work by an academically unqualified secondary student places the Victorian Multicultural Commission in a compromised posititon.

b) Offensive and Racist Front Cover

The front cover of the book is offensive to many nationalities who have traditionally resided in the geographical region of Macedonia. It depicts a map that presents Northern Greece, eastern Bulgaria and western Albania as forming a political entity entitled ´Macedonia´, something that is not the case. The implication appears to be that these lands somehow belong together or should form a single entity.

This irredentist attitude is further displayed in the illustrations adorning the top of the front cover. The authors have sought fit to include two landmarks of the city of Thessaloniki, the White Tower and the Church of Saint Sophia, thereby implying that the said city, which is the second largest city in Greece, should belong to their ´homeland.´ It is to be noted in passing that in a recent message to the Pan-Macedonian Federation of Australia, from Premier John Brumby, he links Melbourne´s Dimitria Festival, a celebration of the patron Saint of Thessaloniki, with "the traditions and culture of Macedonian Hellenism." Finally of course, the ubiquitous Star of Vergina is displayed rising from the left (Bulgarian) shoulder of ´Macedonia´, a historic logo that is actually owned by the Greek State, and which has been discarded by the FYROM government as a national symbol in favour of a sun reminiscent of that appearing on the Japanese Imperial war flag.

c) Title and Content

The book seems not to examine in any detail, "The Macedonians in Victoria". Instead a good deal of space is taken up in chapters such as "The Macedonians in Albania", "The Formation of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia in 1944", and polemical chapters such as "Our country is Macedonia" (p149), "We are Macedonians" (p 175) and "The prejudice of Jeff Kennett" (p 181). Essentially, this appears to be a book with an explicit political purpose: to promote the arguments of those members of the community who culturally and ethnically identify with the FYROM and to assert a particularly narrow racially exclusive conception of such an identity. Thus, while the book is entitled "The Macedonians in Victoria", the book excludes the history of Greek, Albanian, Turkish, Romany, Serbian, Bulgarian and Vlach-speaking Macedonians who live in Victoria.As such, it discriminates against Macedonians who do not fit the authors´ ethnic stereotyping, on the basis of their race.

On many occasions, in their attempt to foist racial homogeneity upon the racially diverse Victorians of "Macedonian" origin, the authors seem to make questionable claims such as that in the 1930´s 90% of the Macedonian population in Australia came from ´Aegean Macedonia´ (p 54). This is misleading because it does not address the issue of whether or not that population actually had a Greek consciousness, which we would argue, is the case. In effect, the authors seem to deny to many Greek-Victorians, the right to identify with their own Macedonian heritage, which heritage cannot be determined on racially exclusivist lines.

d) Offensive and irredentist use of the term ´Aegean Macedonia´.

It is common knowledge that various nationalist extremists who culturally and ethnically identify with FYROM refer to the Greek province of Macedonia as ´Aegean Macedonia´, and display it on their maps as terra irredenta to be redeemed, as the authors have done. The authors liberally employ this term, making offensive irredentist statements such as "The Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia did not succeed in liberating themselves either in the Second World War or during the Civil War of Greece…" (p 38). Again, at page 141, the authors state that "…Aegean Macedonia... is still within Greek political borders…" and also refer to it as "the Greek ruled part of Macedonia" (p 42). Here the authors are clearly stating that Greek Macedonia and its inhabitants should belong to the entity with which they culturally identify. Further, on page 79, they include a photograph of one Risto Altin, also known as Christos Altis, who they state has devoted "his life…to Macedonia´s liberation." This appears to be a highly improper misuse of the Victorian Multicultural Commission´s funds

As if this were not enough, on page 39, in order to grant legitimacy to their irredentist argument, they statethat "Macedonian remains the language spoken of (sic)… Aegean Macedonia." This is incorrect. The overwhelming majority of the population of the Greek province of Macedonia speaks Greek. The authors then impugn the right of the inhabitants of the Greek province of Macedonia to live in their homes stating: "After the Greek Civil War, Macedonians were driven out of the Aegean part of Macedonia and they were ´replaced´ by people of other than Macedonian origin." (p 44) This oblique attempt to allege ethnic cleansing is both unhistorical and mischievous. Further, it has nothing to do with the life of ethnic minorities in Victoria, which Diatribe is informed, formed the subject of the authors´ application for a grant to publish the book.

The publication of a book through State funds, that does not respect the sovereignty of nations and calls for the revision of borders, especially when this is based upon fallacious evidence, sets a dangerous precedent that threatens to disrupt the social cohesion, ethnic harmony, mutual respect and co-existence of racially diverse, multicultural Victoria.

e) Racism directed against GreeksThe book is replete with disparaging references towards the Greeks, both of Greece and Australia. The following of many such inclusions within the book, appear to attempt to portray the Greeks as implacable enemies of the authors´ compatriots:

i) The inclusion of a photo of protesters bearing a placard that reads "I´m not scared

of Greeks, raciest (sic) vampires".

ii) Statements such as "Greeks and Macedonians were always at odds" (p 147)

iii) Quoting from a speech referring to the Greek community in Australia, where the

following is said: "Unfortunately our suppressors have advantages even here" (p

154).

iv) Constant references to "the power of the Greek vote" (p 168) and "the Greek lobby", implying that Greek-Australians are able to subvert the Australian political system. The convening of a conference by the Australian Institute of Macedonian Studies is thus referred to as "a provocation of the Greek lobby" (p 138). Further, they make the extra-ordinary claim: "A Greek representative of the Pan-Macedonian Federation of Australia admitted that Jeff Kennett´s support might have been related to vote-grabbing. He also confirmed that that is what politics is about." (p 183). This is particularly hurtful and offensive, as it is reminiscent of and parallels anti-Semitic accusations of Jewish political influence. As if to drive the analogy further, the authors also accuse "the Greek lobby of starting the fire at Saint Nicholas," (p 88) in the same manner that the Nazi´s blamed the burning of the Reichstag upon the Jews. Of course, such comments are defamatory as the arsonists in this and other cases are unknown.

v) The country of Greece is portrayed as a violent oppressor. Thus there are references to: "Greece´s lies and misrepresentations" (p 155), "ethnic Macedonians in Greece had been subjected to the most extreme measures of forced assimilation" (p 107) as well as Greece allegedly meting out the following punishments for "speaking Macedonian… forced eating of salted fish… imprisonment, the drinking of castor oil… piercing the tongue with a needle, cutting off part of the ears" (p 43) Further, the unsubstantiated claim that "5,000 Macedonians were imprisoned for using Macedonian" (p 43) and that "Greece was not very happy with the reunion of the children refugees as they told the world the truth about what happened…" (p 130) appears to be part of a calculated attempt to discredit Greeks and Greece in the eyes of the uninformed reader, with unreal, unfounded, unsubstantiated and imaginative tirades.

Again one wonders what these references have to do with the title of the book "The Macedonians in Victoria."

e) General Racism and Sexism

Of particular concern are the apparently latent assertions of ´Macedonian´ cultural superiority and racial stereotyping as they occur within the book, even where the book makes some sort of attempt to sketch the life of only one specific section of the Macedonian community, chosen arbitrarily along racial lines. For example, the authors lament the fact that "the children, through the schools become more Australianised" (p 69). They also make gross racial generalisations as follows: "Unlike their English-speaking counterpart who can live in a rented flat, Macedonians prefer to get a loan from the bank and buy their own houses" (p 69) Such racial stereotyping verges on the ridiculous when the authors state that "it is not very common for Macedonians to buy businesses as … there is no Macedonian ´tradition of involvement in business. The Macedonian´s expectations include a house with a large garden in which they can grow vegetables and plant fruit trees." (p 69). The Macedonian Greek community is comprised of many members who are successful businessmen. The authors´ assertion is fallacious.

Sexist references also abound within the book. The authors are particularly demeaning when referring to the place of women in Macedonian society. According to the author: "The majority of Macedonian women support the old traditions, saying that the family ´where the hen sings´ is not a family" ( p 67). It is highly offensive to refer to women as ´hens´ and thus discount the equal position of women in society. In particular, unsubstantiated and unreferenced comments such as "The daughters are brought up under strict supervision and are expected to perform their domestic duties, leaving the running of their private lives to the greater ´wisdom´ of their male relatives" and "It is seen as a waste of time and money for a girl to go to university because, when she marries, her education would be wasted. Worse still, higher education may lessen the girl´s chances of making a good marriage…" (p 67) are unscholarly, fallacious and present a biased view of "Macedonian" women. Within the Macedonian Greek community, there are countless examples of emancipated, educated women who play a leading role within their families, profession and society in general. Such generalised observations as are made by the authors present an idealised, incorrectly static and thoroughly sexist view of "Macedonian" society.

The Pan-Macedonian Federation of Australia, (and the Australian Macedonian Advisory Council), and indeed the entire Greek community is right to be greatly incensed and also bemused at the publication of this amateurish polemic. It does not delineate the history of the "Macedonians" in Victoria but appears to use this title as a vehicle and/or cover to advance contentious and racist arguments about the "Macedonian" identity and to indulge in polemics with the Greek-Australian community.

The Greek community respects diversity of culture and perspective and applauds the valuable work of the Victorian Multicultural Commission. The Greek community is also mature enough to understand that on such sensitive issues, given that the parameters of multiculturalism are not defined by us, due care should be taken not to recklessly offend other ethnicities. For, it is in the tolerance and respect for other cultures, regardless of any historical or political differences, that true multiculturalism lies. As proponents of this principle, we are proud to call ourselves Australians and would hate to think that a small, self-interested section of society would so blatantly attempt to disrupt our ethnic cohesion and commitment to tolerance, by enlisting the support of our own Victorian Multicultural Commission to this end, under false pretexts. Meanwhile, let us be secure in the knowledge that such printed material purporting to be history satisfies the jaded cravings of the few and is seldom read or considered by the many, however well received by the recyclers it may be.



by Dean Kalimniou

info@macedonian.com.au

Political graffiti - Paris, Rive Gauche, April 2008

Macedonia Discovers "Unknown Europeans"

Skopje
Sinisa-Jakov Marusic
Balkan Insight

Vlachs performing traditional songs

A new photo exhibit dubbed “Unknown Europeans” is introducing Macedonians to some of the smallest minorities in Europe.

Sephardim from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Albanian-speaking Arbereshe from Italy, the Slavonic Sorbs in Germany, the Aromunians or Vlachs in Macedonia, the Gottsheers in Slovenia, and the Degesi in Slovakia are all included in the exhibit, which kicked off on Thursday evening in Skopje's City Museum.

The show features evocative landscape photographs and charming personal portraits of people whose personal and ethnic histories are little known to the rest of the old continent.
The photos by Austrian photographer Kurt Kaindl are accompanied by short introductory profiles on each minority by the writer Karl - Markus Gauss.

“Although these minorities never aspired to creating their own state, through preservation of their own distinct cultural identities they proved the richness of cultural diversities in Europe”, Gauss told local media.

The two Austrians spent years visiting homes, interviewed minorities' cultural and political representatives and documented their particular ways of life. Many of these people today continue to struggle for their national survival, the authors say.

The event, which also featured a Vlach male choir, was opened by the Austrian Ambassador to Macedonia, Alois Kraut and by the head of the Vlach Community in Macedonia, Nikola Babovski.

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In the Balkans, the reconciliation is a desired project, still difficult to tackle on the ground. Serbia is an example where the political myths about the past are blocking a normal future.