Sunday, April 26, 2009

So what exactly is multiculturalism?

BBC News Online asked in April 2004 a range of thinkers for a short definition.

PROFESSOR SIR BERNARD CRICK
Chair of the 'Life in the UK' report which led to the new citizenship tests

I see no incompatibility between multiculturalism and Britishness. Britishness must be part of multiculturalism.

In the report I chaired advocating language and citizenship education for immigrants, The New and the Old (2003), we said:

"Who are we British? For a long time the UK has been a multicultural state composed of England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and also a multicultural society... made up of a diverse range of cultures and identities, and one that emphasises the need for a continuous process of mutual engagement and learning about each other with respect, understanding and tolerance."

In other words, dual identities have been common, even before large scale immigration.

We further wrote: "To be British means that we respect the laws, the parliamentary and democratic political structures, traditional values of mutual tolerance, respect for equal rights..."

But Britishness does not mean a single culture. Integration is the co-existence of communities and unimpeded movement between them, it is not assimilation.

Britishness is a strong concept but not all embracing.

RUTH LEA
Director of the Centre for Policy Studies, a centre-right think tank

There are two ways in which people interpret multiculturalism .

The first one is the more common way and that is every culture has the right to exist and there is no over-arching thread that holds them together.

That is the multiculturalism we think is so destructive because there's no thread to hold society together. (...)

There is another way to define multiculturalism which I would call diversity where people have their own cultural beliefs and they happily coexist - but there is a common thread of Britishness or whatever you want to call it to hold society together.

And that is clearly what I would support because you do accept that people have different cultures and you accept them.

It a positive acceptance not a negative tolerance.

LORD PAREKH, professor of political philosophy
Chair of the 2000 report, 'The Future of Multi-ethnic Britain'

Multiculturalism is sometimes taken to mean that different cultural communities should live their own ways of life in a self-contained manner .

This is not its only meaning and in fact it has long been obsolete.

Multiculturalism basically means that no culture is perfect or represents the best life and that it can therefore benefit from a critical dialogue with other cultures.

In this sense multiculturalism requires that all cultures should be open, self-critical, and interactive in their relations with other each other.

This was the basic message of my report on multi-ethnic Britain (The Future of Multi Ethnic Britain, Runnymede Trust 2000). As we argued in the report, Britain is and should remain a vibrant and democratic multicultural society that must combine respect for diversity with shared common values.

KAREN CHOUHAN
Chief Executive of The 1990 Trust, a black-led human rights organisation

Multiculturalism is not dead, in fact it has been reasserted by government policy in the form of 'valuing diversity'.

Neither is it incompatible with an appreciation or knowledge of British cultures. To suggest otherwise is to turn back the clock on race debates thirty years.

To understand multiculturalism is to appreciate that it means many different things.

To some it is merely sampling different cultures, such as a carnival or a mela [South Asian festival]. To others, it is the road to challenging structural inequalities.

One of Britain's strengths is its diversity. Our political system is founded on different values. White British culture itself is incredibly diverse. But we cannot have cultural diversity without tackling inequalities.

We need to do is move forward with a serious debate about how far we have to go in tackling race discrimination in every corner of society, not move it back by forcing everyone to be more (white) British.

Most minority ethnic communities have made substantial contributions to the making of Britain and have made huge efforts to learn British history and language, and engage in civic society despite encountering social exclusion and racism in practically every area of public policy and practice.

Let's not lose sight of this, or how far we have to go. Tackling racial disadvantage is the best way to engender a sense of belonging, being valued is a two-way street.

Interviews by Cindi John

Is Race Real? How Does Identity Matter?





As he leaves Harvard for Princeton, K. Anthony Appiah's scholarship takes a new direction

Danny Postel
The Chronicle of Higher Education
April 5, 2002


People who talk about Kwame Anthony Appiah tend to effuse. "He is the smartest person I've ever met," says Henry Louis Gates Jr. "He is the major scholar working on issues of identity and multiculturalism," says Amy Gutmann, provost of Princeton University. A man of "daunting" erudition, his work is "brave, lucid, acute, and temperate," the novelist Norman Rush has written.

The author of everything from monographs on the philosophy of language to mystery novels to essays on African literature; the editor of poetry anthologies and encyclopedias of cultural history; and a speaker of four languages, Mr. Appiah is an interdisciplinarian par excellence, a cosmopolitan thinker whose subject is nothing less than the world.

His most famous book is a collection of essays on race, culture, and identity called In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture (Oxford University Press, 1992). Virtually an instant classic, it is among the most widely discussed academic books of the 1990s on perhaps that decade's most hotly debated topics on campus: race and multiculturalism.

And yet Mr. Appiah, a professor of philosophy and African-American studies at Harvard University who will be moving to Princeton in the fall, is perhaps best known, at least to those outside his scholarly fields, for his numerous collaborations with Mr. Gates, whose celebrity is much greater. To some, he's "that other guy" with whom Mr. Gates is constantly assembling volumes, the one with the not-obvious-how-to-pronounce name. (It's AH-pee-uh -- similar to how a Cockney would say "happier," he explains.)

Mr. Appiah has been getting less famous, he says, since the day he was born. His parents' marriage, vaunted as the first "modern society" wedding between an African and an Englishwoman, was such a big deal in England, he says, that his birth made front-page news in the British press.

That wouldn't be Mr. Appiah's only appearance on the front page, however. This January he landed there again, when The New York Times wrote about his decision to leave Harvard for Princeton. While the announcement came amid the controversy over Harvard President Lawrence H. Summers's dispute with Mr. Appiah's colleague and friend Cornel West, Mr. Appiah told the Times that his decision to leave was motivated by other considerations, notably his desire to be closer to his home in New York. (He now says the decision wasn't entirely unrelated to the "anxiety" over the Summers-West tangle.) His move means not only a new institutional affiliation for Mr. Appiah, but also a chance to strike out in new intellectual directions. And that, he says, includes turning away from the race question that has dominated his work for so long. "After you say 10 years' worth of things about a topic, it's probably time to move along."

Intellectual Fortune

While Mr. Appiah's scholarly solo efforts are considerable and highly regarded, his 25-year association with Mr. Gates has unquestionably played an enormous role both in shaping much of his work and in bringing it such visibility. Together, the two have edited no fewer than a dozen volumes, including the highly acclaimed Dictionary of Global Culture (Knopf, 1997) and Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience (Basic-Civitas, 1999). They have taught together at Yale, Duke, Cornell, and Harvard Universities. They edit the journal Transition. And they are best friends.

Mr. Appiah himself attributes much of his good intellectual fortune to the "accident" of meeting Mr. Gates. He recounts the story of their friendship in the living room of the ornate Manhattan apartment he shares with his partner, Henry Finder, an editor at The New Yorker. Messrs. Appiah and Gates met at the University of Cambridge in the 1970s, where Mr. Gates was doing graduate work and Mr. Appiah was an undergraduate majoring in philosophy. Before that meeting, Mr. Appiah had focused very little intellectual attention on the themes of race, culture, and identity that would become central to his work over the next two decades.

Which is not to say that he had no interest in those questions -- quite the contrary. He was raised in both his mother's native England and his father's native Ghana. His father, a prominent Ghanaian barrister and politician (and related by marriage to the country's royal family), was deeply involved in the Pan-African movement, an effort to link black struggles throughout the African diaspora. Growing up, Pan-Africanism was "a sort of family business," says Mr. Appiah. He fondly recalls the likes of Richard Wright and C.L.R. James paying visits to the family home when he was a child. Yet it wasn't something he had studied academically.

Politics and wealth run on both sides of Mr. Appiah's lineage. His mother hails from a prominent political clan as well, claiming several generations of both Fabian socialists and landed gentry. (His maternal grandfather served in Britain's first postwar Labor government.) Commenting on this "doubly patrician background," John Ryle in The Independent quoted an "admiring don at Cambridge" who once described Mr. Appiah as "la crème de la crème brûlée."

Multiple Worlds

If Mr. Appiah has inhabited several geographic and cultural worlds -- Ghana, England, the United States -- he has also inhabited several intellectual ones. Trained in the philosophy of language and logic, he wrote his dissertation (and his first two books) in the highly technical areas of probability theory, conditionals, and semantics. Assertion and Conditionals (Cambridge University Press, 1985) and For Truth in Semantics (Blackwell, 1986), his two professional philosophy books, are the fruits of his apprenticeship at Cambridge, the birthplace of the analytic school and home to such giants as Bertrand Russell and Ludwig Wittgenstein.

If that area is utterly foreign to you, you're not alone. Over lunch at an Italian restaurant in Chelsea, the neighborhood in which he lives, this reporter confesses to Mr. Appiah that he has not read the philosopher's technical monographs. "Ha! That makes you and just about everyone else in the world," he says with a hearty laugh.

Those monographs established Mr. Appiah's reputation within probabilistic semantics, a relatively esoteric corner of the philosophy of language (a field within a field within a field). His textbook, Necessary Questions: An Introduction to Philosophy (Prentice-Hall, 1989), brought his broad knowledge of the history of philosophy, and his elegant, lucid prose style, to the attention of philosophers generally. An expanded edition will be published next year as Doing Philosophy: A Contemporary Introduction (Oxford).

But it was In My Father's House that really made Mr. Appiah's name. A combination of autobiography, intellectual history, cultural criticism, and postcolonial theory, it is among the most widely cited and assigned books in contemporary Africana studies -- a canonical work in a rapidly growing field.

This combination -- Mr. Appiah's training in analytic philosophy on the one hand and his attention to questions of culture, race, and identity on the other -- sets his work apart. Philosophers of language generally write about, well, the philosophy of language, not cultural studies or the African diaspora; and among, say, postcolonial theorists and scholars of race, there isn't exactly a preponderance of experts in probabilistic semantics. Who else has published in both Diacritics and Mind, both Critical Inquiry and the Journal of Philosophical Logic? They're disparate intellectual endeavors with little, if anything, to do with one another.

Or are they? While the two projects may be light years apart thematically, Mr. Appiah sees a link. His training in logic and the philosophy of language helped him, he says, "to think carefully, to make distinctions." It equipped him with a way of arguing, he says, that "can be applied to almost any question productively."

Richard Rorty, a professor of comparative literature at Stanford University famous for his criticisms of analytic philosophy, jokes that in making the crossover from semantic theory to questions of broader cultural concern, Mr. Appiah has "overcome his educational disadvantages."

In My Father's House is rife with themes, but its core argument is that the very concept of race is false, that race is in fact a construct, a superimposed category that does not correspond to biological reality. The 19th-century idea of dividing the human population into racial groups -- Negroes, Caucasians, Asians, etc. -- was bad science. The genetic diversity within the human population turns out not to be distributed along racial lines. There is more genetic variation within Africa alone than there is in the rest of the world; there is likely to be more in common genetically between a Swede and a Nigerian than between two individuals from Congo.

But the idea of race isn't merely bad science, Mr. Appiah argues; it is also morally dangerous. And it isn't only people of European provenance who have bought into the idea of race; many on the receiving end of racial oppression have done so as well. Thus Pan-Africanists and black nationalists have, in their efforts to unite people of African ancestry, often posited a racial "essence," a quality or set of qualities supposed to be shared by all blacks. Such thinking, Mr. Appiah argues, is just as fraudulent as the 19th-century European notion of a racial hierarchy with whites at the top -- and is implicated in that notion's racism, as well.

Ten years after the publication of In My Father's House, this critique of racial "essentialism" now seems less than earth-shattering. Among scholars, particularly in the humanities, the argument is so familiar that it's a virtual truism. But Mr. Appiah formulated and composed most of In My Father's House in the 1980s, when such thinking was considerably less common.

That's not to say that it is universally accepted. Indeed, among those who find it not only puzzling but problematic are a number of black scholars. Lucius T. Outlaw, chairman of the African-American-studies program at Vanderbilt University and the author of On Race and Philosophy (Routledge, 1996), has said that in denying the existence of race, Mr. Appiah's argument could have the "unintended effect of racial and ethnic cleansing." When Mr. Outlaw made this remark on a panel with Mr. Appiah during a conference at Rutgers University in 1994, Mr. Appiah denounced the remark and stormed out of the room. (Mr. Outlaw followed Mr. Appiah into the hallway and apologized. The two are now on good terms and have nothing but admiring things to say about each other.)

Mr. Outlaw's is not the only criticism Mr. Appiah's ideas have occasioned. Writing in the journal Social Theory and Practice, Paul C. Taylor, an assistant professor of philosophy at the University of Washington, termed Mr. Appiah a "racial eliminativist." He wrote that the "metaphysical strand" of Mr. Appiah's argument -- that race doesn't exist -- is fashioned "badly," while Mr. Appiah's ethical claims are "poorly developed." Writing in the feminist philosophy journal Hypatia, Nkiru Nzegwu, an associate professor of Africana and art history at the State University of New York at Binghamton, accused Mr. Appiah of "Anglo-Saxon imperialism" and "ideological recolonization." Molefi Kete Asante, a professor of African studies at Temple University, accused Mr. Appiah in the journal Diogenes, of "Eurocentrism" and a "rapprochement with white triumphalism."

Mr. Appiah calls such criticisms "one of the features of the contemporary academy I like least," as they "stigmatize ethically someone you disagree with intellectually."

As for Mr. Taylor's charge, Mr. Appiah says that if a "racial eliminativist" is "someone who thinks that there are no biological races among current humans, I plead guilty. If, on the other hand, it is someone who thinks that races have no social reality, I plead innocent."

Some scholars sense an existential backdrop to the issue Mr. Outlaw poses. For someone of Mr. Appiah's hybrid, transnational, and privileged background, is it perhaps less of a leap to theorize race out of existence than it might be for someone raised in a less ambiguous context, one in which the color line is a defining social force? Mr. Appiah points out that in those parts of Africa in which everyone is black, race is not the organizing principle of people's lives; instead, things like social class, gender, urban versus rural, and tribal affiliation are what divide people. Some wonder, however, what it would mean to say that race doesn't exist in, say, rural Mississippi or segregated Chicago.

Kenneth W. Warren, a professor of English and humanities at the University of Chicago and the author of Black and White Strangers (University of Chicago Press, 1993), thinks those critics have it wrong. He says that while such social realities are enormously significant, they do not contradict Mr. Appiah's argument that race has no objective reality. To enumerate the sociological vicissitudes of race, he says, demonstrates the various ways in which it is constructed, but lends no credence to the idea that there are intrinsic racial properties or essences.

Other scholars agree, and they praise Mr. Appiah's work. Orlando Patterson, a professor of sociology at Harvard and the author of The Ordeal of Integration (Civitas/Counterpoint, 1998), hailed In My Father's House as "a major intellectual event" and a "desperately needed antidote" to the "resurgent chauvinism" that "threatens to replace clear, hard thinking about the condition of black peoples in Africa and the Americas."

The timing of In My Father's House gave it an acute poignancy, says Robin D.G. Kelley, a professor of history and Africana studies at New York University and the author of Race Rebels (Free Press, 1994). With multiculturalism at its zenith in the early 1990s, Mr. Appiah "contested multiculturalism's racial and ethnic notion of identity," which Mr. Kelley calls a "zoological" approach (blacks in this cage, Latinos in that one, South Asians in another).

Mr. Kelley tells a story about Mr. Appiah's own identity. The two were having lunch at an Indian restaurant one afternoon. When Mr. Appiah asked the waitress about a dessert on the menu, she reacted with annoyed incredulity. "You know," she said impatiently, taking Mr. Appiah, on the basis of his appearance, to be Indian, and assuming his question to be an attempt to pass as non-Indian. "He was living out some of the complications of his own argument," says Mr. Kelley. Mr. Appiah did not correct her.

A Rooted Cosmopolitan

That sense of identity as fluid, as complex, as syncretic, is fundamental to Mr. Appiah's intellectual project. But while one thrust of his work is to challenge received notions of identity, he affirms an identity that is not just cosmopolitan and universal but rooted and particular. He aims therefore, to avoid the "twin pitfalls of parochialism and false universality." A tricky balancing act, indeed.

He says he has tried to follow his father's example. In an essay titled "Cosmopolitan Patriots," he talks about his father's simultaneous love for Ghana, his commitment to a nonchauvinist Pan-Africanism, his Christian humanism, and his internationalism. In a letter to his children Mr. Appiah's father exhorted them to "remember that you are citizens of the world."

Mr. Appiah's move from Harvard to Princeton isn't the only recent change in his life: After 20 years in the United States, the citizen of the world recently became a U.S. citizen, so that he could finally vote.

His work, too, will take a more political turn, focusing less on racial identity and more on identity's ethical and political dimensions. "I have spent 20 years thinking about race as a form of identity, and it is only one case," he says, "a misleading model for some other cases" of identity. He plans to explore how identity matters for ethical and political life -- when liberal democracies, for example, should think of their citizens "as women and men, as members of identity groups, as mere individuals, and the like."

Princeton, he says, is "the perfect place" for him to teach. He will split his time between the multidisciplinary Center for Human Values and the philosophy department, widely regarded as one of the top analytic departments in the country. (He also hopes to do more fiction writing. His mystery novels -- he's published three -- are far from highbrow, he says, though one of them does feature a Wittgenstein scholar at Cambridge.)

For all of his intellectual accomplishments and his passion for the life of the mind, Mr. Appiah believes there is a vital need to do more than just theorize and argue. "We cannot change the world," he writes, "simply by evidence and reasoning."

And yet, he adds, "we can surely not change it without them, either."

How can ethnic minorities reach the top of the profession?



Times on-line
April 23

Baroness Scotland of Asthal, the Attorney-General

(Fiona Hanson/PA)

Baroness Scotland of Asthal, the Attorney-General

Baroness Scotland of Asthal could be forgiven if she saw no problem. Britain’s first black, first woman holder of the post of Attorney-General is a living example of diversity in the legal profession. But, as with women political leaders, is she a one-off?

There is one black High Court judge and none in the Court of Appeal or House of Lords. In the High Court, the only black ethnic minority judge is Mrs Justice Dobbs. “People blame me,” the Attorney-General says. “They say I shouldn’t have gone into politics” — the implication, and likelihood, being that she would have risen to the upper judicial ranks, setting a precedent there rather than in government.

Yet her own achievement aside, she does acknowledge continuing difficulties and this Saturday will outline what can be done in opening the Minority Lawyers’ Conference in London, a biennial event organised by the Law Society and Bar Council, and to be addressed by Lord Judge, the Lord Chief Justice and others.

“I shall be reminding people where we have come from, that this has been a journey we have been on for some years,” she says. “I became a law student in 1973 and if you look back, there were very few black ethnic minority lawyers in the profession at all. The number of women was relatively few . . . it was a predominantly male profession. If you look at people coming in now, the proportions are materially different to 30 years ago.”

The statistics bear her out. Ten per cent of the 140,000 solicitors on the roll are from black ethnic minorities and a notable 31 per cent of student enrolments. Even at partnership level, they make up 26.6 per cent.

At the Bar it is the same story: nearly 13 per cent of the 15,000 practising barristers are from ethnic minorities (although only 4 per cent of Queen’s Counsel) but among student enrolments, the percentage is 39 per cent of the 1,742.

“It is much better than it was,” Scotland says. “But is it yet totally mirroring the community we serve? No. Is there a long way to go? I think there is. We need to acknowledge we are not over the hump yet.”

A lack of confidence and problems of perception is one reason, she believes. “It’s the same with women: if a post is advertised and a woman candidate ticks nine of ten boxes, she will agonise over the tenth that she can’t fulfil and probably not go for the job. A man who ticks five or six boxes will give it a go.”

There are also fears that the recession is going to make the task of increasing diversity in the profession harder — or turn the clock back. Scotland disagrees. “We can’t blame the present recession on the complexion of the profession. We have to accept there is more for us to do.”

On the contrary, she argues that the international and global nature of the legal market provides opportunities for ethnic minority lawyers who might have wider language skills. Their recruitment would benefit law firms whose international client base expects the firm they instruct to be diverse in its own employment.

So what can be done? The theme of Saturday’s conference is “less talk, more action”. Kim Hollis, QC, who is chairing the event, has called for positive action to champion diversity and widen the available pool of talent. “There needs to be a clearer understanding of the term positive action. This doesn’t mean diluting the requirement for excellence: it would reflect other vital skills and experience to include those who may have been previously excluded as these factors have not been given adequate importance in any selection process.”

Scotland backs such positive action and last year set out her own diversity strategy, with policies for chambers in selecting pupils and tenants; and for her own department in appointing to the Attorney’s panels who do the department’s casework. It is a myth, she insists, that only barristers from certain sets of chambers get onto the panels — widely seen as career promotion and stepping stone to judicial appointment. She intends to monitor selection to the panels and to audit the work done by those on them. “Each of us \ has to do what we can, not wait for someone else. I have in a sense set my own targets and said that by 2012 we want people on the panels to reflect the diversity of our profession.”

As for whether there should be specific targets for judicial jobs, panels or anything else is another matter. Scotland seems to prefer “positive action”, adding: “In my view there are enough people within the profession — it’s a question of encouraging that talent where we find it . . . black, women, of different sexual orientation, young, old . . . if we are going to compete on a global stage.”

She “would love” to see a black law lord but predicts one only in the next “10 to 20 years”. “We are at a tipping point. We need to push hard to search out that talent we are looking for.”

Think Tank: New Ideas For The 21st Century: Immigration and welfare: a bad mix


How benefits can be a divisive force in a pluralist society


On Tuesday French riot police rounded up 200 migrants near an encampment called “the Jungle” outside Calais. To listen to Eric Besson, the French immigration minister, the immigrants themselves were a side issue. The raid’s real goal was to rid France of “traffickers”. Natacha Bouchart, the mayor of Calais, saw it differently. For her, the problem was “nos amis britanniques”. Once migrants set foot in Britain, she said, “their situation is too comfortable and we [in Calais] can no longer tolerate being taken hostage by that”. Britain’s overgenerous asylum and welfare policies were drawing the world’s poor to the ports of France.

Probably more Britons agree with the mayor than with the minister: welfare policies do lure immigrants. Immigration and welfare are a bad mix in other ways, too. Comprehensive welfare systems (transfers, pensions, healthcare) tend not to arise in societies of mass immigration, such as the United States. In the present downturn, many assume that one path to recovery is to give up some economic dynamism and return to the welfare model that existed from Attlee to Thatcher. But Britain is not the place it was until the 1970s. Welfare states require consensus and society may now be too multicultural to provide it.

Immigrants can be good for an economy, but their contributions tend to go to the private sector through cheap labour. As for the public sector, almost everywhere, immigrants and their dependants take more out than they put in. Native Germans between the ages of 20 and 65 pay out more in taxes than they collect in services, but Turks in Germany do that only between the ages of 28 and 57. These figures worsen over time. The number of foreign residents in Germany rose steadily between 1971 and 2000 – from 3m to about 7.5m – but the number of employed foreigners in work held steady at roughly 2m people.

Until recently politicians suggested that immigrants might actually save European welfare states, replenishing the ratio of workers per retiree which has declined rapidly because of low European birth rates. It won’t work. Immigrants, too, age and retire and the system must take care of them and their large families when they do. But the amount of wishful thinking invested in this idea is impressive. “In the long term, migrants themselves will age and contribute to the increasing dependency ratio,” a Home Office report admitted in late 2007, “but only assuming that they remain in the UK during retirement.” What other assumption can be made? Are we to imagine that migrants will work to fund cushy retirements for Europeans, then slink obligingly back to the Third World to pass their own retirements in poverty?

Immigration also weakens welfare states by making native taxpayers less willing to fund them. Five years ago David Goodhart of Prospect magazine warned that social programmes arise out of a sense of obligation to fellow citizens, which gets harder to maintain when fellow citizens have a different culture.

This seems to be true empirically: Alberto Alesina and Edward Glaeser, the Harvard economists, have shown that roughly half of Americans’ antipathy towards European-style socialism can be accounted for by the ethnic diversity of the United States. This view is given support by the recent work of Robert Putnam, the sociologist, who finds that people living under conditions of diversity “hunker down”. They trust their neighbours less – even neighbours of their own kind. They are less philanthropic, less social and less inclined to pay taxes.

It makes sense. Citizens authorise the state to make welfare payments not just to keep the less fortunate in a living, but also to keep them in a way of life. Once immigrants learn their way around they may have a different idea of the purpose of government benefits. Instead of using them to pay for, say, a British working-class lifestyle, they may use them to pay for, say, Islam. Two-thirds of French imams are on welfare. So are many British ones: Ghayasuddin Siddiqui, head of Britain’s “Muslim parliament”, said in 2005: “Our mosques are largely tribal and controlled by old men on the dole with no understanding of the changing world around them.”

If immigrant welfare recipients do not share the broader society’s values, then the broader society will turn against welfare or turn against immigrants. Immigrants are innovators. They have fresh ways of doing things. That is what makes them valuable in a competitive market society. But competitive market societies are in bad odour just now and, anyway, welfare programmes are supposed to be a refuge from them. It should not surprise us that scepticism about immigration should rise at a time when people are running in panic towards any such refuge they can find.

Christopher Caldwell is a columnist for the Financial Times. His book Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam and the West will be published on May 7 by Allen Lane

Saturday, April 25, 2009

Freedom of school choice meets its limits



Derk Walters

Handelsblad

April 24


The Dutch take their constitution seriously. A few articles jump out: article 1, about the principle of equality, and article 23, about freedom of education. Article 23 is so important that professor emeritus Dick Mentink made a career out of it.

Mentink, who taught educational law at Rotterdam's Erasmus university until his retirement, says article 23 is unique in the world. "The Netherlands are the only country in the world where the state is constitutionally bound to finance confessional schools in the same way it finances public schools."

Study reveals primary school segregation

The Knowledge Centre for Mixed Schools says one third of primary schools in the Netherlands do not reflect the ethnic backgrounds of their local communities. The observation is based on a survey of over 2,000 primary schools in nearly 40 municipal districts. The centre presented its report to deputy education minister Sharon Dijksma on Wednesday.

The centre, which promotes desegregation in education and is subsidised by the education ministry, believes that schools should reflect the ethnic and social make-up of their areas. It says research shows that this is not the case in one third of all primary schools. They have mostly either immigrant or Dutch-background pupils, while their local areas are much more diverse.

The centre describes the results of its research as "shocking", pointing out that the children are not learning to get along with people from other nationalities and religions. The cities with the worst results according to the survey were Lelystad, Leiden and Almelo.

The study reflects ongoing concerns about the degree of ethnic segregation in Dutch schools, caused by ethnically Dutch parents opting to send their children to schools where the pupils have a similar background to their own, even if the school is outside their neighbourhood. This has led to the intake at schools in some neighbourhoods becoming dominated by pupils from ethnic minority backgrounds. Such schools are officially termed "black schools".

(Radio Netherlands Worldwide)

The Dutch state, says Mentink, "recognises that all parents must have the unlimited freedom to give their children the education they want. Article 23 guarantees that the state cannot force parents to send their kids to a school against their will."

The Nijmegen challenge

The adoption of article 23 in 1917 was seen at the time as a compromise between liberals and confessionals. Then prime minister Pieter Cort van der Linden, a Liberal, felt that the state ought to be only minimally involved in organising education, but that it had a duty to facilitate free competition between the different educational and philosophical views in Dutch society. Article 23 also says the state cannot intervene with the fundamentals of confessional schools; its only role is to finance all schools equally.

In 2009, Dutch society is profoundly changed. Because of immigration, confessional schools - traditionally Catholic or Protestant - have come to include Muslim and even Hinduist schools. Added to the distinction between public and confessional schools is the distinction between 'black' (ethnic minority) and 'white' (native Dutch) schools.

According to some people, it is a perverse effect of article 23 that the freedom of education now allows Dutch parents to cycle across town just to send their kids to that one good - usually white - school. These schools have long waiting lists, while other schools become more and more populated with immigrant children.

Ghettoisation

The city of Nijmegen has recently decided to challenge article 23 in an effort to fight the increasing ghettoisation of its primary school system. Starting next school year, parents in Nijmegen will be allowed to name up to six preferred schools, after which a central committee will determine to which school the child will be admitted.

The committee will use several criteria to determine the choice of school, but the first criterium is that children must be encouraged to go to school in their own neighbourhoods. If parents name faraway schools they decrease the chance that their child will be able to attend the school of their choice, because children living near those schools will be given preference.

The second criterium is to strive for a better balance between disadvantaged and mainstream children. Research shows a ratio of 30 percent disadvantaged children to 70 percent mainstream children is beneficial to both groups: it encourages disadvantaged children to do better without lowering the quality of education in the process.

The right to choose

The two criteria are sometimes at odds with each other because the demographics of the neighbourhoods are not always desirable. In those cases preference is given to sending kids to schools in their own neighbourhoods.

Nijmegen denies that its policy is a violation of the freedom of education principle. Article 23 only guarantees the right to choose a kind of school, based on its denominational or educational fundamentals, the city says. It does not guarantee the right to choose a specific school establishment.

The right-wing liberal party VVD in the Dutch parliament objected to the new policy because it could force parents to send their children to Islamic schools against their will. The city authority says all parents have to do is not to list Islamic schools among their preferred schools.

Nijmegen is not the only local authority in the Netherlands to have challenged article 23. In the town of Tiel, parents have to report to either the public, protestant or catholic school system, after which their children are assigned to a school in their own neighbourhood. Tiel does not use a ratio of disadvantaged to mainstream children, which means that Tiel schools better reflect the demographics of the neighbourhood they're in. Another difference is that Nijmegen assigns children to one specific school; in Tiel, parents can choose between any school of the same denomination within the same neighbourhood.

There has been little protest in Tiel, but the changes in Nijmegen are more controversial. Educational columnist Leo Prick wrote in NRC Handelsblad that the city is "riding roughshod over the fundamental right of parents to send their children to a school of their choice."

Closing achievement gaps

Mentink disagrees. He says article 23 has often been misinterpreted in the past. "Article 23 was never about the consumer's right to choose. It is about the right to organise education", he says. And former prime minister Cort van der Linden's interpretation that "no child shall be forced to attend a school that doesn't respect the religious convictions of its parents" stands unchallenged, says Mentink. "Parents in Nijmegen can still chose the denomination of the school their kids are sent to."

At issue is whether local authorities have the right to spread out pupils in their efforts to fight ghettoisation. Doing so is illegal when it is based on nationality or ethnic background, but it is compulsory when it comes to closing achievement gaps. Article 167a of the law on primary education says local authorities have to consult with the schools in order to prevent segregation and spread out struggling pupils equally.

But is the Tiel or Nijmegen approach applicable to all areas, especially to the big cities? Tiel has only one "very weak" primary school. Amsterdam and Rotterdam have fourteen "very weak" primary schools.

Christian Democrat member of parliament Jan Jacob van Dijk is not opposed to the Nijmegen experiment. But what if all the schools in your neighbourhood are marked as very weak? he asks. "I wonder if one can force parents to send their kids to an obviously underperforming school. The system can only work if the quality of education is guaranteed across the board."

Friday, April 24, 2009

Gurkhas: Q&A


The Guardian
April 24

Background to the campaign to give Gurkha veterans who left army before 1997 automatic right to settle in UK

Who are the Gurkhas?

The Brigade of Gurkhas are Nepalese soldiers who have been recruited to the British army since a peace treaty between the two countries was signed in 1815.

They have fought as British soldiers in two world wars and many other conflicts including those in the Falklands, Sierra Leone, Iraq and Afghanistan.

They were described by a high court judge in 2003 as having "established a reputation as frontline troops which is second to none".

Do Gurkhas have the same rights as other foreign soldiers?

Since 1980, the Home Office has allowed foreign soldiers to settle in the UK in most circumstances, but Gurkhas have been excluded.

Home secretaries have said the terms of their service were different in order to maintain their links to Nepal.

While they were in active service, Gurkhas could enter and remain in the UK but, once finished, they were discharged to Nepal and not allowed to settle in Britain.

Is this still the case?

The government has become increasingly aware of public concern about the treatment of Gurkhas.

In 2003, the then prime minister and home secretary, Tony Blair and David Blunkett, delivered statements acknowledging that "the men of the Gurkha brigade have shown unquestioning loyalty to the Queen and people of the United Kingdom".

In 2004, the Home Office changed its policy and said Gurkhas who had been discharged from the army after 1997 could apply for indefinite leave to remain in the same way as other foreign soldiers.

What changed in 1997?

Until then, the Brigade of Gurkhas was based in Hong Kong.

After the handover of Hong Kong to China that year, the brigade relocated to the UK.

Gurkhas discharged before 1997 would not have been based in the UK, whereas Gurkhas discharged after that point were, so the year became the cutoff point.

What about Gurkhas discharged before 1997?

Hong Kong-based Gurkhas discharged before the handover were only likely to be granted settlement if they had served in the UK for at least three years.

Many Gurkhas had served in the army for long periods in other parts of the world, but had not spent three consecutive years in the UK.

The Home Office had the discretion to allow these Gurkhas to settle if they had children being educated in the UK, or had a chronic, long-term medical condition where treatment would significantly improve their quality of life.

The Gurkhas in court today claim this policy has very rarely been used in their favour and that even those with substantial and threatening medical conditions have not been granted settlement.

Why did the Home Office stand its ground?

Two reasons were given for the government's stance.

Firstly, as the pre-1997 Gurkhas were discharged to Nepal, they were seeking permission to enter, rather than remain in, the UK, putting them on a different footing to other foreign soldiers.

Secondly, the fact they were based in Hong Kong rather than the UK meant they had not developed the same "close ties" with Britain as other foreign soldiers who were based in the UK.

What did the pre-1997 Gurkhas argue?

They said their treatment was discriminatory and a violation of the human rights and race relations acts because they were being treated differently to other foreign soldiers and to other Gurkhas who were discharged after 1997.

They argued that the home secretary behaved irrationally by making three years service at British barracks – as opposed to service abroad, including in conflict zones – the criterion.

The current policy, which does not apply to pre-1997 Gurkhas, does allow foreign soldiers to count time spent serving abroad towards their application for UK citizenship.

The Gurkhas argue that their long and distinguished record of service for the British army, heavy losses in conflict zones and dedication to the UK should be given more weight than the amount of time they actually spent on UK soil.

What are the implications of the case?

If the policy is changed, it is estimated that between 7,000 and 10,000 Gurkhas may settle in Britain.

Thursday, April 23, 2009

"Digging to America"

The stereotypical description of America is the "dreamland", the "land of choice", the "land of freedom". Also, the "melting pot". You are born and became American citizen by choice. Your American identity is becoming part of your other identities, without a serious clash, because the chance offered is to be yourself. (This is a stereotypical statement too)

The best way to explore America is through the variety of different personal stories. Collected and told from a generation to another, kept in oral history archives or turned into literature or movies. Ruthanne Lum McCunn's Thousand Pieces of Gold is starting from a real story of a Chinese young woman, bought from China for the prostitution ring and arriving in America in the times of gold's fever. Another experiences of Chinese immigration are shared by the amazing Amy Tan in his The Kitchen God's Wife, based on her personal life experiences of many generations under the same American roof, trying to introduce local habits and customs into the daily US context.

A literary perspective, this time about the Iranian and Korean adopted children is offered by Ann Tyler's Digging to America.

Beyond the usual stereotypes about America, they are millions of very personal stories. More or less related, with easier or difficult or impossible adaptation. And this multiplicity of histories is always enriched and always changing.